Speech by President Jiang Zemin at the Informal APEC Leadership Conference 1993/11/20 ........................................................................................................... ２ Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations Between the People's Republic of China and the People's Republic of Angola 1983/12/01 .... ５ President Jiang Zemin's Keynote Speech at the Informal APEC Leadership Meeting 1994/11/15 Bogor, Indonesia l 5 November 1994 ........................... ６ Continue to Promote the Reunification of the Motherland .................................. ９ Speech by President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China at APEC Economic Leaders Meeting ............................................................................. １４ Building a new Asia-Europe Partnership Oriented Towards the 21st Century 1996/03/01 ....................................................................................................... １７ Speech by President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China at APEC Economic Leaders Meeting 1996/11/25 .......................................................... ２１ Carrying Forward Gener-Ations of Friendly and Good-Neighborly Relations and Enseavoring Towards a Better Tomorrowfor All 1996/12/02 .......................... ２３ Intervention By H. E. Vice Premier and Foreign Minister Qian Qichen at the ASEM Foreign Minister's' Meeting Singapore, 5 February 1997 1997/02/05 ２８ Speech by President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China at the Ceremony for the Handover of Hong Kong Held by the Chinese and British Governments 1997/07/01 ................................................................................. ３２ President Jiang Zemin's Speech at Ceremony for Establishment of HKSAR 1997/07/01 ....................................................................................................... ３３ President Jiang Zemin's Speech to Celebrate HK's Return 1997/07/01 .......... ３７ Speech by President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China at the 5th APEC Informal Leadership Meeting 1997/11/25 ............................................ ４１ Enhance Mutually Beneficial Cooperation and Promote Common Development 1998/04/03 ....................................................................................................... ４４ President Jiang's Speech Marking the First Anniversary of Hong Kong's Return 1998/07/01 ....................................................................................................... ４６ Statement by H.E. Mr. Li Changhe, on the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space in the Plenary Meeting of the Conference on Disarmament 1998/08/13４９ China Report to Amended Protocol on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Mines, Booby-Traps and Other Devices 1998/11/04 ....................................... ５２ Speech by President Jiang Zemin at the Sixth APEC Informal Leadership Meeting 1998/11/18 ......................................................................................... ５７ Statement by Mr. Sha Zukang, at the Seventh Annual Carnegie International Non-Proliferation Conference （11-12 January 1999, Washington） 1999/01/12.......................................................................................................................... ６０ Statement by H.E. Mr. Li Changhe, in the Plenary Meeting of the Conference on Disarmament （11 February 1999, Geneva） 1999/02/11 ......................... ６４ Jiang Zemin's speech at the Conference on Disarmament (26 March 1999, Geneva) 1999/03/26 ...................................................................................... ６６ Asia and Europe Work Together to Create a Better Future 1999/03/29 .......... ７１ Chinese-Russian Press Communique on Consultations on Issues pertaining to the １
ABM Treaty (Moscow, 14 April 1999) 1999/04/14...................................... ７４ Statement by H.E. Mr. Sha Zukang at the the Preparatory Committee ........... ８０ (10 May 1999, New York) 1999/05/10 ......................................................... ８０ Proposals for inclusion in the Report of the Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons working paper submitted by China (New York, 10-21 May 1999) 1999/05/21 ......................................... ８５ Speech by His Excellency Jiang Zemin President of the People's Republic of China At the 7th APEC Informal Leadership Meeting 1999/09/13 ................. ８８ Speech by H. E. Premier ZHU Rongji At the ASEM Science and Technology Ministers' Meeting （Beijing, China 14 October 1999 ） 1999/10/14 ...... ９２ Statement by Shen Guofang at the Plenary Meeting of the United Nations Disarmament Commission 1999/10/19............................................................ ９３ Statement by Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan at the 54th Session of the UN General Assembly 1999/11/19 ......................................................................... ９７ "Non-Proliferation at A Crossroads" Addressed by Mr. Sha Zukang at the Wilton Park Conference （December 14, 1999） 1999/12/14 ........................... １０３
Speech by President Jiang Zemin at the Informal APEC Leadership Conference 1993/11/20
Blake Island, Seattle
20 November 1993
President Clinton,
Colleagues and friends,
This Informal APEC Leadership Conference affords us an unusual opportunity of meeting with each other. I hope that the Conference will facilitate Asia-Pacific economic cooperation, enhance mutual understanding and trust and contribute to world peace and development in the region and the world.
The world is approaching the 21st century. We can draw useful lessons from a review of the past and a survey of the future. The 20th century has seen tremendous progress in civilization and fantastic advancement in science, technology and productive forces. On the other hand, it has been ridden by wars and fraught with insecurity. Two world wars were fought, not to speak of innumerable other conflicts or local wars. The world is now in a historic period of dramatic changes. The end of the Cold War and the breakup of the bipolar structure entail a positive evolution in international relations. At the same time, we have seen many local conflicts and complicated situations. The international scene is fluid and fraught with unpredictables. The world is far from being safe. Global peace and development still face severe tests.
What is gone is gone. Let us face the future. What kind of a world are we going to usher into the 21st century? This is an important question that we, as the current leaders, must carefully ponder and answer. There are a few years left in this century. We still have time to act and we certainly should try to achieve something. If we work together to surmount difficulties and obstacles, we can help bring about genuine peace ２
and prosperity to mankind. People everywhere will acknowledge that we have done something great and significant. But if the world continues to be chaotic, insecure and plagued by economic troubles at the turn of the century, how are we going to account for this to the world people? As we assumed leadership at a time of transition from the old to the new century, we were predestined to carry such a responsibility.
The Asia-Pacific region has made a tremendous contribution to human civilization. Now it commands a great deal of attention from the international community and occupies an ascending place in global politics and economy. We are pleased that as a result of our common endeavours, Asia-Pacific has become a region full of dynamism and hope which enjoys relative political stability, sustained high economic growth, and a strong investment momentum, which holds out good prospects for trade and a huge potential for cooperation.
APEC covers a vast and highly diversified expanse in the Asia-Pacific region. It is the world's largest economic region and possesses the biggest markets and most favorable investment environment. The economies in our region are highly compatible and complementary with each other, and therefore have tremendous potentials for expanding cooperation. In the final analysis, a country or a region owes its development to a robust economy, and there can be no regional prosperity without the development of the component countries. All of us should adopt a development strategy compatible with our own conditions and strive first of all to manage our own affairs well. At the same time, we should go with the historical trend of increasing economic ties among different countries and regions by promoting international economic exchanges and cooperation, especially within our own region. Asia-Pacific countries should have a long-term strategic perspective. We should look ahead into the 2lst century and exert concerted efforts to ensure a sustained and steady economic growth in each country and the region as a whole. Regional economic cooperation should be geared to common prosperity and conducted on the principles of mutual respect, equality and mutual benefit and opening to one another. In practical terms, we should bilaterally and multilaterally conduct multi-form, multi-tier and multi-channel cooperation progressively in the light of the actual conditions and specific characteristics of the region, thereby continuously opening new scopes for the economic development of the region.
A region cannot achieve economic development in isolation of the rest of the world. Asia - Pacific countries should be oriented to their own region as well as the rest of the world. We should open ourselves to countries within and without our region. And we should work for a fair and just economic relationship both within our region and throughout the world. Many developing countries are weighed down by economic woes and the gap between the North and the South continues to widen. All this is seriously hampering world economy. If all of us keep in mind the development of the entire mankind, it will not be difficult for us to come to a common understanding of the necessity and importance of reforming the existing unjust international economic order and helping relieve the developing countries from poverty. We will come to recognize that this is not only an urgent call from the developing countries, but also meets the actual needs of the developed countries to ３
bolster their economies. All countries in the world should join hands and try to fulfill this common task so as to promote regional and global economic well-being.
Economic development and cooperation would not be possible without a peaceful and stable international environment. No development is possible in troubled times. This has been borne out by recent and past history. Global order or disorder is largely decided by
the state of international relations. Only when all countries abide by the principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence can a new type of international relations be established and developed and can world peace and development be ensured.
The Asia-Pacific region does not owe its success to the formation of a bloc, be it economic, political, or military. The boom in our region is attributable to the policy of opening-up and cooperation, to the readiness of learning from one another and supplying each other's needs, and to the observance of mutual respect, equality and mutual benefit. Proceeding from this viewpoint, we hold that APEC should be an open, flexible and pragmatic forum for economic cooperation and a consultation mechanism rather than a c1osed , institutiona1ized economic bloc.
Thanks to her 15 years' efforts in reform and opening-up, China has been able to score remarkable success. We have achieved political stability, social tranquility and accelerated economic growth. Our reform and opening-up programme and the socialist market economy which we are building fully tally with China's actual conditions, and have won the support of people of all nationalities in our country. Our central task is to go all out to bolster our economy. Our basic policy regarding reform and opening-up will remain firm and unshakable. Indeed, our reform and opening-up is irreversible. We will only further deepen and build on it. What is also irreversible is that China will enjoy greater economic growth and social progress, and that our democracy and legal system will be further strengthened. We have full confidence in our country's future.
China practices all-directional opening-up. We are open to the entire world, primarily to the Asia-Pacific region. We have a strong interest in participating in and promoting regional economic cooperation. It is our firm policy to expand economic cooperation and trade with other Asia-Pacific countries.
China unswervingly pursues an independent foreign policy of peace and has been making unremitting efforts towards the maintenance of regional and world peace and stability. We never seek hegemony. We keep away from arms race and military blocs and never seek any sphere of influence. We always strive to develop friendly relations and cooperation with our neighbors and al1 other countries of the world on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful and Coexistence. China cannot develop in isolation of the world. The world equally needs China for development. A stable, developed and prosperous China will by no means pose a threat to any country, instead, it will only contribute more to the peace and development of the Asia-Pacific region and the world at large.
Friendship and cooperation are the bridge to lasting peace and common ４
prosperity. Let us be sincere friends; let us seek common ground and put aside differences; and let us strengthen our cooperation and work together for a more splendid new Asia-Pacific century.
Thank you.
Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations Between the People's Republic of China and the People's Republic of Angola 1983/12/01
The People's Republic of China and the People's Republic of Angola, desirous to promote the harmonious relations and multiform cooperation between them so as to contribute to the realization of the purposes of the United Nations and conscious of the historical role that all the peoples should play in the course of rapprochement and solidarity among the countries that love peace and freedom, have decided to establish diplomatic relations between their two Governments at ambassadorial level as from January 12, 1983.
The Government of the People's Republic of China supports the Government of the People's Republic of Angola in its just struggle to safeguard national independence, state sovereignty and territorial integrity and to develop the national economy, and condemns the systematic aggression of the South African racist troops against Angola, and demands the withdrawal of South African troops from the territory of Angola.
The Government of the People's Republic of Angola recognizes that the Government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government representing all the Chinese people, and that Taiwan is an inalienable part of the territory of the People's Republic of China.
In this spirit, the People's Republic of China and the People's Republic of Angola wish to establish relations on the basis of the principles of mutual respect for state sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence.
The People's Republic of China and the People's Republic of Angola also indicate that they wish to work, as always, for the establishment of relatively just and equitable world economic relations, and for the strengthening of their efforts in the maintenance of international peace and security.
The Governments of China and Angola have agreed to mutually provide each other with all the necessary assistance for the establishment, and performance of the functions, of diplomatic missions in their respective capitals in accordance with international practice.
For the Government of the For the Government of the
People's Republic of China People's Republic of Angola
(Signed) Wang Jin (Signed) Luis Jose de Almeida
Charge d'Affaires ad Interim Ambassador Extraordinary
of the Embassy of the and Plenipotentiary of the
People's Republic of China in People's Republic of Angola
５
the Republic of France to the Republic of France
Paris, 12 January 1983
President Jiang Zemin's Keynote Speech at the Informal APEC Leadership Meeting 1994/11/15 Bogor, Indonesia l 5 November 1994
Your Excellency Respected President Soeharto,
Excellencies,
First of all, I would like to offer my thanks to President Soeharto for his kind invitation and to our host, the government of Indonesia, for the elaborate arrangements. May I also take this opportunity to welcome and greet the leaders of new members among us - President Frei of Chile, President Salinas of Mexico and Prime Minister Julius Chan of Papua New Guinea.
It is now five years since APEC came into being. The world has undergone tumultuous changes. Multipolarization has accelerated and international relations are in a complex state of flux. All nations of thc world are confronted with both opportunities and challenges. How can we more effectively ensure international peace and enhance economic development in the few remaining years of the century so as to usher a peaceful, thriving and splendid world into the 2lst century? This is a question over which all people are seriously pondering. This also means that as leaders of the current period we will be assuming a momentous historical mission.
It should be noted that the world is still plagued by contradictions and conflicts. Turbulence and unpredictable events are on the rise. Some countries and regions have even succumbed to internecine wars entailing disastrous consequences. How can development be envisaged in such a chaos? Maintenance of stability is an essential prerequisite for the ship of history to successfully sail into the new century. The world needs stability and this is true with all regions and nations. Without a stable environment nothing can be accomplished, and even what has been accomplished will be lost. All the people of the world cry out for peace, stability, development and cooperation. This presupposes that in this widely diversified and fast-changing world there must be accommodation instead of exclusion, friendly co-existence instead of resorting to bullying or confrontation, seeking common ground while reserving differences instead of indulging in acts of intervention. An important reason why the economies of East Asia have developed so rapidly all these years is that those countries have maintained stability, have respected each other and have pursued equal and mutually beneficial economic cooperation. All this has laid down the foundation for regional cooperation and ensured the vigour of the continuously growing economies in the Asia-Pacific region.
Peaceful negotiations are the only correct approach to resolve state-to-state disputes. The Middle East peace process has attested to this point. The recent frame-work agreement between the United States and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea is also a case in point. We welcome those positive developments and hope that peaceful negotiations will be even more frequently used in the settlement of international disputes.
It is now a world trend to accord priority to economy. This is determined by the ６
progress of times and stage of historical development. Economic development is on the top of the agenda of every country. It is vital not only to any country's existence and long-term security, but also to world peace and security. Indeed, the economic factor is increasingly playing the overriding and pivotal role in international relations. In order to promote economic development and common prosperity, all nations must intensify cooperation and coordination as well as broadening the scope of complementing and leaning from each other in accordance with the principle of equality and mutual benefit. An important basis will thus be laid for the maintenance of world peace. The international community should make special efforts to narrow the gap of wealth between developed and developing countries by encouraging them to complement each other's comparative advantages so as to ensure sustained, balanced and steady growth of the world economy. This is not only demanded by the developing countries but is a necessary condition for the developed countries to sustain their economic growth.
We are pleased to note that amidst the tidal changes of the world, the Asia-Pacific region has been able to maintain a good momentum. Here the political situation is relatively stable, economy is in high gear, trade is brisk, investment is picking up speed, hi-tech advances in big strides and regional cooperation has an enormous potential. If together we seize the opportunity and make common efforts to ride the tide of the times and aim at the reality of the Asia-Pacific region, then we will be able to accomplish a great deal in regional economic development and cooperation.
The ancient Chinese philosopher Menaces said:" it is only natural that things in the world are different''. This is true of nature as of human society. APEC members range from northern to southern hemispheres, encompassing Asia, Oceania and the Americas. They include countries with long history and ancient civilization as well as industrialized countries that have risen in modern times. There are sovereign states as well as regional economies. There are countries whose territory straddles a continent as well as those that are islands in the great ocean. Certain members are world leaders in the level of economic development. Others are endeavoring to build their infrastructure. Populations of APEC members range from a few hundred thousand to some l.2 billion. Per-capita GNP ranges from a few hundred to over US$20,000 annually. Their culture, religion and customs are vastly different. This gives rise to multiple political and economic systems as well as values making Asia and the Pacific a region of many splendors. It is unrealistic to try to impose conformity over this diversity. Only an attitude of compatibility and willingness to learn from each other can conduce to common development and progress.
We are living in an in an independent world. Modern technology has shrunk geographical distances. Many challenges facing mankind often transcend national boundaries. Economic relations, trade, development of science and technology, environmental protection, population control, disaster reduction and relief, fight against drugs, crime prevention, nuclear non-proliferation, prevention and treatment of AIDS, and so on--these are interdependent global issues. As such, they all call for cooperation and compliance with common norms. Since the 1980s, there has been notable increases in trade, market development, capital interflow, industry relocation, ７
science and technology exchanges and information interflow among members of region, all of which have greatly increased the ties between us.
Diversity and interdependence - this is a reality in the Asia-Pacific region. Diversity gives right to complementarity while interdependence generate a need for cooperation. If we recognize this reality and turn it into our advantage, Asia-Pacific economic cooperation will be galvanized and a widening vista will unfold before us. Proceeding from this consideration and reviewing the new development since the Seattle meeting last year, I would like to put forward five proposals regarding future Asia-Pacific economic cooperation as follows:
l. Mutual respect and consensus . Members at different stages of economic development and with different social systems should respect each other and coexist in amity. They should be encouraged to engage themselves more frequently in the consultation and exploration of important issues like the orientation, priority and pace of Asia-Pacific economic cooperation and make decision thereon by consensus.
2. Gradual progress in an orderly and steady manner. Given the
significant disparity in the levels of economic development difference in political status and development priorities among members, cooperation should proceed step by step in a pragmatic and prudent manner. Especially when major moves are contemplated, we should think carefully and act prudently, proceeding in a step-by-step, phased and organized manner in order to achieve optimum results.
3. Mutual opening without exclusion. First of all, members should be open to each other without discrimination. When differences arise, do not promptly resort to the erection of barriers. Secondly, while regional economic cooperation steps up its pace, extra-regional exchanges and cooperation should be expanded in order to tap the advantage of the best therefrom .
4.Extensive cooperation, mutual benefit and reciprocity. We can be even more open-minded in our approach to cooperation and the scope of cooperation can be further expanded. We should continue to focus our attention on such questions as trade and investment. At the same time, issues such as relief of poverty, technology transfer, construction of infrastructure and human resources development, which are of general interest to the developing members of our region, should also be made priority of cooperation.
5. Narrow the gap and achieve common prosperity. Of the 2 billion people in the Asia-Pacific region, l.5 billion have an annual per-capita GNP below US$1,000. Regional economic cooperation should take account of not only the questions of market opening-up and trade liberalization but also the needs of the developing members and the need to help them overcome various constraints and narrow the gap between them and the developed members in order to achieve common prosperity. Developed members should, in particular, open their markets to the products of developing ones. The prospect of over 1 billion being relieved from poverty and becoming prosperous will have an inestimable positive impact on the efforts to expand markets for trade, increase investment opportunities, promote progress of science and technology and reinforce economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region.
８
The question of trade liberalization in Asia Pacific has attracted extensive attention from within and without our region. Looking into the future, members should further reduce barriers, open their markets and expand trade exchanges. For this is not only the call of economic interdependence, but will also help them display their comparative advantages, increase complememtarities and maintain the momentum of economic growth in the region. Therefore, we are in favor of trade and investment liberalization as a long-term goal and the formulation of an appropriate timetable for implementation. We also agree that this meeting reach agreements of intent on these issues. It is our view that trade liberalization should be based on the principle of nondiscrimination and should accommodate the diverseness in the Asia Pacific region. In such a region with wide difference in the level of economic development, the entire process and practice of liberalization should obviously differ from one where economies are quite developed on the whole. One should proceed in a gradual, orderly and phased manner. Different timetables for trade liberalization need to be worked out for members at varied development levels. Pacing and modalities should in differ in different sectors. It is neither realistic nor consistent with the spirit of fair competition to demand same pacing for all members and all sectors, in disregard of the difference in development level and actual conditions. Trade liberalization is, in the final analysis, a means to achieve our end of common development and prosperity in the Asia Pacific region.
China's economic development cannot be divorced from that of the world and Asia-Pacific region. By the same token, economic development of the world and Asia-Pacific region can also benefit from China's economic growth and prosperity. A stable and prosperous China is a staunch force for peace in the world and for stability in the Asia-Pacific region. The message from the Chinese people to the peoples of the Asia-Pacific region and those of the world at large is peace, friendship, cooperation and development. Let us join hands to bring about a splendid future for APEC and for the new century of Asia and the Pacific.
Thank you!
Continue to Promote the Reunification of the Motherland
1995/01/30
Jiang Zemin
Comrades and friends,
Following the celebration of the 1995 New Year's Day, the people of all ethnic groups in China are now seeing in the Spring Festival. On the occasion of this traditional festival of the Chinese nation, it is of great significance for the Taiwan compatriots in Beijing and other personages concerned to be gathered here to discuss the future of the relations between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits and the great cause of the peaceful reunification of the motherland. On behalf of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council, I should like to take this opportunity to wish our 21 million compatriots in Taiwan a happy New Year and the best of luck.
Taiwan is an integral part of China. A hundred years ago on April 17, 1895, the Japanese imperialists, by waging a war against the corrupt government of the Qing ９
Dynasty, forced the latter to sign the Shimonoseki Treaty of national betrayal and humiliation. Under the treaty, Japan seized Taiwan and the Penghu Islands, subjecting the people of Taiwan to its colonial rule for half a century. The Chinese people will never forget this humiliating chapter of their history. Fifty years ago, together with the people of other countries, the Chinese people defeated the Japanese imperialists. October 25, 1945 saw the return of Taiwan and the Penghu Islands to China and marked the end of Japan's colonial rule over our compatriots in Taiwan. However, for reasons everybody knows, Taiwan has been severed from the Chinese mainland since 1949. It remains the sacred mission and lofty goal of the entire Chinese people to achieve the reunification of the motherland and promote the all-round revitalization of the Chinese nation.
Since the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress issued its "Message to the Taiwan Compatriots" in January 1979, we have formulated the basic principles of peaceful reunification and "one country, two systems" and a series of policies towards Taiwan. Comrade Deng Xiaoping, the chief architect of China's reform and opening to the outside world, is also the inventor of the great concept of "one country, two systems". With foresight and seeking truth from facts, he put forward a series of important theories and ideas concerning the settlement of the Taiwan question which reflect the distinct features of the times, and defined the guiding principles for the peaceful reunification of the motherland.
Comrade Deng Xiaoping has pointed out that the most important issue is the reunification of the motherland. All descendants of the Chinese nation wish to see China reunified. It is against the will of the Chinese nation to see it divided. There is only one China, and Taiwan is a part of China. We will never allow there to be "two Chinas", or "one China, one Taiwan". We firmly oppose the "independence of Taiwan". There are only two ways to settle the Taiwan question: One is by peaceful means and the other is by non-peaceful means. The way the Taiwan question is to be settled is China's internal affair and brooks no foreign interference. We consistently stand for achieving reunification by peaceful means and through negotiations. But we shall not undertake not to use force. Such commitment would only make it impossible to achieve peaceful reunification and could not but lead to the eventual settlement of the question by the use of force. After Taiwan is reunified with the mainland, China will pursue the policy of "one country, two systems". The main part of the country will stick to the socialist system, while Taiwan will retain its current system. "Reunification does not mean that the mainland will swallow up Taiwan, nor does it mean that Taiwan will swallow up the mainland." After Taiwan's reunification with the mainland, its social and economic systems will not change, nor will its way of life and its non-governmental relations with foreign countries, which means that foreign investments in Taiwan and the non-governmental exchanges between Taiwan and other countries will not be affected. As a special administrative region, Taiwan will exercise a high degree of autonomy and enjoy legislative and independent judicial power, including that of final adjudication. It may also retain its armed forces and administer its party, governmental and military systems by itself. The Central Government will not station troops or send administrative personnel there. What is １０
more, a number of posts in the Central Government will be made available to Taiwan.
Over the past decade and more, under the guidance of the basic principles of peaceful reunification and "one country ,two systems" and through the concerted efforts of the compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Straits and in Hong Kong and Macao and Chinese residing abroad, visits back and forth by individuals and exchanges in science, technology, culture, academic affairs, sports and other fields have expanded vigorously. A situation in which the economies of the two sides promote, complement and benefit each other is taking shape. The establishment of direct links between the two sides for postal, air, and shipping services at an early date not only represents the strong desire of vast numbers of compatriots in Taiwan, particularly industrialists and businessmen, but has also become the actual requirement for future economic development in Taiwan. Progress has been registered in the negotiations on specific issues, and the "Wang Daohan-Koo Chenfu talks", represent an important, historic step forward in the relations between the two sides.
However, what the entire Chinese people should watch out for is the growing separatist tendency and the increasingly rampant activities of the forces working for the "independence of Taiwan" on the island in recent years. Certain foreign forces have further meddled in the issue of Taiwan, interfering in China's internal affairs. All this not only impedes the process of China's peaceful reunification, but also threatens peace, stability and development in the Asia-Pacific region.
The current international situation is still complex and volatile, but in general, it is moving towards relaxation. All countries in the world are working out their economic strategies which face the future and taking it as a task of primary importance to increase their overall national strength so as to take up their proper places in the world in the next century. We are pleased to see that the economies of both sides are growing. In 1997 and 1999 China will resume its exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong and Macao respectively, which will be happy events for the Chinese people of all ethnic groups, including our compatriots in Taiwan. The Chinese nation has experienced many vicissitudes and hardships, and now it is high time to accomplish the reunification of the motherland and bring about its all-round rejuvenation. This means an opportunity for both Taiwan and the entire Chinese nation. Here, I should like to state the following views and propositions on a number of important questions that have a bearing on the development of relations between the two sides and the promotion of the peaceful reunification of the motherland:
l. Adherence to the principle of "one China" is the basis and premise for peaceful reunification. China's sovereignty and territory must never be allowed to suffer split. We must firmly oppose any words or actions aimed at creating an "independent Taiwan" and the propositions "split the country and rule under separate regimes", "two Chinas over a certain period of time", etc., which are in contravention of the principle of "one China".
2. We do not challenge the development of non-governmental economic and cultural ties by Taiwan with other countries. Under the principle of "one China" and in accordance with the charters of the relevant international organizations, Taiwan has become a member of the Asian Development Bank, the Asia-Pacific Economic １１
Cooperation Forum and other international economic organizations in the name of "Taipei, China" or "Chinese Taipei". However, we oppose Taiwan's activities in "expanding its living space internationally" which are aimed at creating "two Chinas" or "one China, one Taiwan". All patriotic compatriots in Taiwan and other people of insight understand that instead of solving the problems, such activities can only help the forces working for the "independence of Taiwan", undermine the process of peaceful reunification more unscrupulously. Only after the peaceful reunification is accomplished can the Taiwan compatriots and other Chinese people of all ethnic groups truly and fully share the dignity and honour attained by our great motherland internationally.
3. It has been our consistent stand to hold negotiations with the Taiwan authorities on the peaceful reunification of the motherland. Representatives from the various political parties and mass organizations on both sides of the Taiwan Straits can be invited to participate in such talks. I said in my report at the Fourteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China held in October 1992, "On the premise that there is only one China, we are prepared to talk with the Taiwan authorities about any matter, including the form that official negotiations should take, a form that would be acceptable to both sides". By "on the premise that there is only one China, we are prepared to talk with the Taiwan authorities about any matter", we mean naturally that all matters of concern to the Taiwan authorities are included. We have proposed time and again that negotiations should be held on officially ending the state of hostility between the two sides and accomplishing peaceful reunification step by step. Here again I solemnly propose that such negotiations be held. I suggest that, as the first step, negotiations should be held and an agreement reached on officially ending the state of hostility between the two sides in accordance with the principle that there is only one China. On this basis, the two sides should undertake jointly to safeguard China's sovereignty and territorial integrity and map out plans for the future development of their relations. As regards the name, place and form of these political talks, a solution acceptable to both sides can certainly be found so long as consultations on an equal footing can be held at an early date.
4. We should strive for the peaceful reunification of the motherland since Chinese should not fight fellow Chinese. Our not undertaking to give up the use of force is not directed against our compatriots in Taiwan, but against the schemes of foreign forces to interfere with China's reunification and to bring about the "independence of Taiwan". We are fully confident that our compatriots in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao and those residing overseas would understand our principled position.
5. In face of the development of the world economy in the twenty-first century, great efforts should be made to expand the economic exchanges and cooperation between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits so as to achieve prosperity on both sides to the benefit of the entire Chinese nation. We hold that political differences should not affect or interfere with the economic cooperation between the two sides. We shall continue to implement over a long period of time the policy of encouraging industrialists and businessmen from Taiwan to invest in the mainland and enforce the １２
Law of the People's Republic of China for Protecting the Investment of the Compatriots of Taiwan. Whatever the circumstances may be, we shall safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of industrialists and businessmen from Taiwan. We should continue to expand contacts and exchanges between our compatriots on both sides so as to increase mutual understanding and trust. Since the direct links for postal, air and shipping services and trade between the two sides are the objective requirements for their economic development and contacts in various fields, and since they are in the interests of the people on both sides, it is absolutely necessary to adopt practical measures to speed up the establishment of such direct links. Efforts should be made to promote negotiations on certain specific issues between the two sides. We are in favour of conducting this kind of negotiations on the basis of reciprocity and mutual benefit and signing non-governmental agreements on the protection of the rights and interests of industrialists and businessmen from Taiwan.
6. The splendid culture of five thousand years created by the sons and daughters of all ethnic groups of China has become ties keeping the entire Chinese people close at heart and constitutes an important basis for the peaceful reunification of the motherland. People on both sides of the Taiwan Straits should inherit and carry forward the fine traditions of the Chinese culture.
7. The 21 million compatriots in Taiwan, whether born there or in other provinces, are all Chinese and our own flesh and blood. We should fully respect their life style and their wish to be the masters of our country and protect all their legitimate rights and interests. The relevant departments of our party and the government including the agencies stationed abroad should strengthen close ties with compatriots from Taiwan, listen to their views and demands, be concerned with and take into account their interests and make every effort to help them solve their problems. We hope that Taiwan Island enjoys social stability, economic growth and affluence. We also hope that all political parties in Taiwan will adopt a sensible, forward looking and constructive attitude and promote the expansion of relations between the two sides. All parties and personages of all circles in Taiwan are welcome to exchange views with us on relations between the two sides and on peaceful reunification and are also welcome to pay a visit and tour places. All personages from various circles who have contributed to the reunification of China will go down in history for their deeds.
8. Leaders of the Taiwan authorities are welcome to pay visits in appropriate capacities. We are also ready to accept invitations from the Taiwan side to visit Taiwan. We can discuss state affairs or exchange ideas on certain questions first. Even a simple visit to the other side will be useful. The affairs of Chinese people should be handled by ourselves, something that does not take an international occasion to accomplish. Separated across the Straits, our people eagerly look forward to meeting each other. They should be able to exchange visits instead of being kept from seeing each other all their lives.
Our compatriots in Hong Kong and Macao and those residing overseas have made dedicated efforts to promote the relations between the two sides, the reunification of the country and the revitalization of the Chinese nation. Their １３
contribution commands recognition. We hope that they will make new contributions in this regard.
The reunification of the motherland is the common aspiration of the Chinese people. The patriotic compatriots do not wish to see reunification delayed indefinitely. The great revolutionary forerunner of the Chinese nation Dr. Sun Yatsen once said: "Reunification is the hope of entire nationals in China. If reunification can be achieved, the people of the whole country will enjoy a happy life; if it cannot be achieved, the people will suffer." We appeal to all Chinese to unite and hold high the great banner of patriotism, uphold reunification, oppose secession, spare no effort to promote the expansion of relations between the two sides and facilitate the accomplishment of the reunification of the motherland. In the course of the development of the Chinese nation in the modern world, such a glorious day will surely come.
Speech by President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China at APEC Economic Leaders Meeting
1995/11/19
Osaka, Japan
19 November 1995
Your Excellency Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama,
Excellencies,
I am very pleased today to join my friends, both old and new, in this beautiful city of Osaka to discuss matters of vital importance relating to Asia-Pacific economic cooperation. I wish to express my heartfelt thanks to Prime Minister Murayama for his kind invitation and to the Japanese Government for its thoughtful arrangements for the meeting.
Developing countries play an increasingly important role in regional and global economic activities. Their economic revitalization is of major significance to the common prosperity not only in the Asia-Pacific region, but the world at large. In discussing Asia- Pacific economic cooperation, we need to put the issue of development of the developing countries into a large picture with a historical perspective.
To seek development amidst peace and stability is a matter of top priority for the world today. As economic life become more and more internationalized, economic links between and among states have been growing with each passing day. Production patterns, investment flows, financial exchanges, science and technology, human resources development and environmental protection have all transcended national boundaries. The increase in world trade has far outpaced the growth of world economy. Technological revolution is sweeping across all trades and professions as economic activities grow steadily in scope and assume faster speed. Such a global economy can not sustain on the basis of prosperity of a few and backwardness of a majority of countries. The world economy needs new driving force. The world market needs fresh input. Without the economic revitalization in the majority of the developing countries, the world economy can not be sustained.
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The developing countries, where the majority of world's population call home, hold out tremendous potential for development. Their current backwardness and poverty are caused mainly by the past colonial rule and the present unfair and irrational international economic system. More and more developing countries, going along with the trend of internationalization of the world economy and proceeding from their own national conditions, have embarked or are beginning to embark on a road of development with their own characteristics. Facts have proved that this is the only way to success. The coming century will see this trend grow even stronger. In my view, if the political resurgence of the developing countries is viewed as a major feature of the international evolution in the second half of the 20th century, then their economic revitalization will be a key hallmark of the new world pattern in the 21st century. When developing countries become prosperous with billions of people lifted from poverty, it will provide enormous opportunities for trade and investment for all countries. There will be more markets for new technologies and industries. It also helps to instill vitality into the global economy, propelling it onto a new development stage. Meanwhile, the revitalization of the developing countries will bring about a sound underpinning for the world pattern of multipolarization, provide conditions favorable to the establishment of a fair and rational new international economic order, and offer stronger safeguards to lasting world peace. In short, the growing economic prosperity of the developing countries will contribute significantly to the advancement of the human society.
We are pleased to note that since its inception six years ago, APEC has done much useful work in promoting consensus-building to enhance economic cooperation. Today, it has become a major force for enhancing regional and global economic cooperation. Last year, we adopted the Bogor Declaration, which reaffirmed our resolved to narrow the economic disparities among members and to promote common prosperity in our region. The Bogor Declaration also endorsed the long-term goal of achieving trade and investment liberalization and the strengthening of regional economic and technical cooperation. This has generated a far- reaching impact.
Regional economic cooperation and development have benefited directly from the vigorous high growth of the developing members of the region. The Action Agenda is an important document towards the gradual implementation of the Bogor Declaration. To ensure a smooth progress of cooperation, in my view, it is necessary to appropriately address the following questions:
1. Achieving a sustainable economic development in the Asia -Pacific and the world at large should be the fundamental objective of our cooperation. Economic development of the Asia -Pacific cannot be attained without the steady growth of the world economy, especially that of the majority of the developing members. Asia-Pacific economic cooperation must be open. Out of the two billion people in this region, 1.5 billion live in developing members, where the levels of economic development and technology remain relatively backward and a considerable portion of the population even live in poverty. Sustained regional and global growth is only possible with a sustained growth in the developing members and their economic gap with the developed members gradually narrowed. This should become the starting １５
point as well as objective for our future cooperation.
2. Efforts should be made to create a favorable external environment for economic growth of the developing members. In retrospect, many developing members in the Asia-Pacific region owed their high growth, apart from their own efforts, to the favorable external conditions within the region. In recent years, however, the economy of the major developed members have experienced considerable fluctuations. Trade protectionism against the developing members have gone on unabated and the normal operation of the multilateral trade system has been disrupted. To ensure sustained and stable development of the region, major developed members should take the lead in addressing their structural imbalances. They should also do their very best to avert the possible negative impact of their macro-failure on the developing members. Mutual opening and non-discrimination are the basic norms recognized in international economic relations. APEC members should, first and foremost, take steps to abandon discriminative trade policies.
3. The principles of unilaterism and voluntarism should be adhered to. Regional economic cooperation should take into full consideration the differences in the level of development within the region and the special conditions of the members. In formulating targets of economic development and cooperation, it is necessary to respect the right of the members to make free decisions and allow for their own initiative and creativity. Unilaterism and voluntarism should also be observed when formulating regional collective actions. They should be the cornerstone underpinning Asia-Pacific economic cooperation. It is neither realistic nor feasible to impose uniformity when conditions are not yet ripe.
4. It is necessary to give due consideration to existing differences and to keep the process of trade and investment liberalization at a carefully-measured speed. Open and free trade and investment are effective vehicles to achieve sustained economic growth. We should allow different pace in light of the specific conditions of the members and at different periods of time. Developed members, which are advantageously placed may take the lead and move faster. Developing members, on the other hand need more time since they face greater pressures, risks and difficulties. As a Chinese saying goes, "More haste, less speed." Should the process of trade and investment liberalization in developing members be unduly quickened, it is possible to cause severe consequences in certain members. This will run counter to the very objective of trade and investment liberalization.
5. Trade and investment liberalization and economic and technical cooperation should be given equal emphasis. Economic and technical cooperation, including human resources development, infrastructure building, scientific and technological cooperation, is crucial to developing members' economic vitality. They are important means to narrow economic disparities among members and to achieve common prosperity. Economic and technical cooperation can also help turn potential markets into real ones which in turn will accelerate the pace of trade and investment liberalization. Economic and technical cooperation are like two wheels carrying the cart of APEC. The two should complement and promote each other.
The realization of the long-term goals as set forth in the Bogor Declaration １６
requires our persistent efforts into the 21st century. This gigantic project of cooperation tallies with the trend of the world economy. It also serves the need of our reform, opening-up and economic development. After the meeting in Bogor, we have adopted a series of important measures aimed at deepening the reform. I wish to announce here that China will, effective from 1996, drastically reduce its overall tariff level by a margin of no less than 30%. This certainly will have a positive impact on regional cooperation and the achievement of trade and investment liberalization.
We have on our shoulders a historical mission of building a peaceful, stable and prosperous Asia-Pacific. I believe that so long as we respect each other, consult each other on an equal footing and engage in mutually beneficial cooperation, we will be able to achieve our goal.
Building a new Asia-Europe Partnership Oriented Towards the 21st Century 1996/03/01
Speech by H. E. Premier Li Peng at the ASEM Meeting
Bangkok, Thailand 1 March, 1996
Mr. Chairman,
Today, we, leaders of 25 Asian and European countries meet here for the first time. On the basis of equality and in a friendly manner, we will exchange views on cooperation in a wide range of areas and on the building of a new Asia-Europe partnership oriented towards the 21st century. It is a pioneering endeavor of historic significance. It reflects the widely-shared desire of Asian and European countries for world peace and development for inter-continental exchanges and cooperation. It signifies the growth of Asia and the profound changes in the entire international relations, and marks a growing trend towards multi-polarity and an end to the monopoly of international affairs by one or two big powers. I am convinced that this meeting will have a positive impact on the shaping of a new world pattern in the 21st century. I wish to take this opportunity to express my heartfelt thanks to the Royal Government of the Kingdom of Thailand for hosting this Meeting successfully.
As cradles of ancient civilization, both Asia and Europe have made indelible contribution to the progress of human civilization and the advancement of science and culture. Both hold tremendous creativity and potentials for economic development, as evidenced by the fact that most of the previous economic take-offs and industrial revolutions happened here. Of course, we shall not forget that the colonial invasion and plundering and the scourges of the two World Wars had brought untold sufferings to the people of Asia and Europe. We are confident, however, that the awakening of the people and progress of society will prevent such unfortunate experience from repeating itself. The people of Asia and Europe cherish peace, value national independence and dignity, and treasure friendly co-existence, The convocation of the first ASEM Meeting opens up a new channel for Asia-Europe exchanges and adds a new chapter to the annals of Asia-Europe relationship featuring equality and mutual benefit.
The present world situation is generally moving towards relaxation. The forces for peace are growing; the trend towards negotiated settlement of dispute is gaining １７
momentum; the big -power relations are undergoing readjustments and changes; and developing countries are reinforcing their position. The international political structure is in a process of major transformation, scientific and technological revolution is bringing improvement to us day by day and the world is witnessing on-going profound social changes. World economy continues to grow at an unprecedented pace and the international market is expanding rapidly in both scope and depth. The rapidly-growing world trade and external direct
investment have led to greater interrelation and interdependence. Nonetheless our world is not trouble-free. Hegemony and power politics are still asserting themselves and local conflicts and turmoil break out from time to time, leaving the world troubled with old problems interwoven with new frictions. Economic development is uneven among nations and the gap between rich and poor is widening. People in many developing countries are still living in the abyss of impoverishment. Mankind is still faced with difficulties and menaces of one kind or another for its survival and development. There are still many destablizing factors in international situation. To maintain world peace, facilitate economic revitalization and promote common development --- this has become the mainstream of our times and the shared aspiration of all peoples. Under these circumstances, to increase direct contacts and exchanges between statesmen of Asia and Europe is not only in the interest of the people of the two continents but also conducive to the endeavor for a fair and just new international political and economic order of peace and stability.
To build a new Asia-Europe partnership in the new era calls for new concepts, new vision and new methodology. The old mentality from the Cold War period should be abandoned in its entirety. Summing up the historical experience and lessons of Asia-Europe exchanges over the centuries and looking into the future exchanges and cooperation between the two continents, I believe that a new partnership between Asia and Europe should assume the following basic features:
I . Respect each other and treat each other as equals. Fundamentally different from the unequal relations in the colonial years or the confrontational ones in the Cold War period, the new partnership that we are to build should be based on the principles for peaceful co-existence. Asian and European countries, big or small, rich or poor, strong or weak, are all equal members of the international community with equal sovereignty. The internal affairs of any country can only be managed by its own people and no country should be allowed to capitalize on its own power to encroach upon other countries sovereignty and interfere in their internal affairs under any pretext. Equality is the foundation of cooperation and mutual respects the prerequisite for a sound partnership.
2. Seek common pound while putting aside differences and draw upon each other's experience. Asia and Europe have different cultural traditions, religious beliefs and customs and are at different economic and
social development stages. Their disparity has come about as a product of history and will continue to exist for a long time to come. It is therefore not advisable to identify Europe with Asia or vice versa. Even countries within Asia or Europe differ from one another. Their differences reflect the very diversity of the world and can １８
only be addressed in tile spirit of agreeing to disagree instead of imposing uniformity. No nation should think itself head and shoulders above others or impose upon them its social system, value. development model or way of life. In fact, each nation has its own strong and weak points and ought to learn from each other to make up for its deficiencies, for that is the only way to facilitate common development and progress.
3. Enhance mutual understanding and trust. Owing to historical and practical reasons. It is hardly avoidable for countries in Asia and Europe to have different views or even get into disputes with each other. What is important is how to handle differences when they arise.. The best way is to
increase contacts, treat each other with every sincerity, conduct consultations on an equal footing, enhance common understanding, dispel misgivings, expand common ground and build up confidence, instead of making unwarranted accusations, imposing one's own views on others, which will aggravate contradictions and lead to disputes and even confrontation.
4. Seek mutual benefit and mutual complementarity. AII the countries in these two continents their own strong points and advantages. The industrial revolution once drastically changed the world economy and the outlook of society. Today, Europe is one of the economically developed, scientifically and technologically advanced and financially strong regions in the world. Whereas the Asian peoples are known for their diligence and industry. Many Asian countries and regions have, for more than a decade, maintained a vigorous and dynamic economic development. The rise of Asia has added new vitality to world economy and opened up a huge market for international trade and investment. When faced with global challenges in the economic and social development fields, mankind is again drawing inspiration from oriental civi1ization and wisdom. If Asian and European countries join hands and complement each other with their respective advantages, they will not only be able to bring benefits to their own peoples in new areas but also to meet any challenge in the world.
5. Look into the future and work for common development. Cooperation between Asia and Europe holds out a broad prospect. One
should not only keep in mind one's immediate interests but also and, more importantly, have one's eyes on the 21st century. To build a new partnership between the two continents is by no means an expediency. It is in the shared interests of both Asia and Europe to keep with the spirit of the times, seize the historical opportunity and translate potential opportunities into reality. To achieve that wi11 prove to the world that countries with different cultural traditions and at different development levels can treat each other as equals and conduct mutually beneficial cooperation, each shining its own splendor in a diverse world, but thriving together.
Given the greater weight of economic factors in international relations today, all countries are giving priority to their national economic growth and economic interests. In our discussions on Asia-Europe cooperation, we should give prominence to economic issues which serve as an important basis for the Asia-Europe partnership. Hoping to see some substantive results from the current Meeting in this regard, I would 1ike to propose that priority be given to the following measures: .
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--Work together to counter trade protectionism. eliminate trade discrimination, oppose imposition of trade sanctions, gradually remove trade barriers in various forms and promote trade development. Support should be given to those countries which are not yet WTO members in their efforts to join it at an early date, for this is the only way to enable this organization to demonstrate its universality and play its due role in the establishment of a sound international economic and trade order.
--Give new impetus to mutual investment. The growing economy in Asian countries, particularly their enormous demand for investment in infrastructure, has provided a huge market for external investment and promised a bright prospect. However, investment into Asia from Europe is far less than that from other countries and regions. I suggest that an ad hoc expert group be set up to study the current status of investment between Asia and Europe and its perspective, work out measures to be taken, and submit a report on their study.
--Enhance technical exchanges and cooperation . In promoting technical cooperation and technology transfer, priority should be given to
advanced farming technology, environmental protection technology and
technical transformation and renovation of enterprises. I would also propose to set up an ad hoc expert group to study the afore-mentioned areas of cooperation and recommend actions to be taken.
--Promote cooperation among small and medium-sized enterprises
while continuing to intensify that among big enterprises.
--Lay emphasis on the development of human resources. Efforts in
this regard may include helping poverty-stricken areas to get access to means of production development, and organizing in-service training and re-employment training.
Asia and Europe should expand and increase political dialogue the interest of better mutual understanding and trust. We on our part would like to see progress in EU integration and to see EU remain independent and demonstrate openness. On the other hand, we hope that Europe will understand the aspirations of Asian countries to promote economic development and expand regional cooperation while maintaining political stability and support their efforts in this regard. Now, the European Union is attaching greater importance to developing friendly relations and cooperation with Asia, which we appreciate. We think it advisable to make full use of the existing channels for dialogue. Our dialogue may cover both topics universal interest and those of particular interest to our two continents.
In a few days, I am going to deliver a report to the plenary session of
the National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China on the Ninth Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development and
the Outlines of the Long-Tern Objectives Up to the Year 2010. In the past
18 years since the production of the reform and opening-up programme,
China has maintained a momentum of rapid economic growth. During the
just-ended Eighth Five-Year-Plan period, the annual growth rate of its national economy averaged at l I .8%. It has made breakthroughs in its economic structural reform, and steadily opened wider and deeper to the outside world. In the past five ２０
years, China's import and export volume
exceeded one million US dollars. In the Ninth Five-Year-Plan period add up to the beginning of the next century, China's economy is expected to continue its good development momentum. This is because we have found a correct path of development and we have political stability, a fairly s80ng material and technological basis, a diligent and hard-working people, a huge consumers' market and abundant resources. We are fully confident about China's future. In the upcoming fifteen years, we will, adhering to the basic principles of seizing the opportunity, deepening reform, opening wider to the outside world, promoting development and maintaining stability, endeavor to achieve the transformation from a traditional planned economy to a socialist market economy and that of the mode of economic growth from extensive to an intensive one. We shall buttress the position of agriculture as the foundation of the economy, rationalize the industrial structure, vigorously build up infrastructure such as energy, transportation, telecommunications and water conservancy projects, support the development of pillar industries such as machinery, electronics, petro-chemical industry, auto industry and construction, develop China's mid-west and energetically expand its service industry. We have carried out a major reform in the foreign trade regime and formulate set of foreign-related laws compatible with international rules .
We have facilitated the convertibility of RMB under the current account.
We have decided to once again drastically reduce tariffs starting from this year, and we will finally reduce them to the average level of developing countries. China's reform, opening-up and stability will prepare it for further integration into the world and will also provide the business community of Asia and European countries with tremendous investment and trade opportunities, and make positive contribution to peace, stability and prosperity in Asia and the world as a whole.
Billions of the people of Asian and European countries have given their blessings to and cherish ardent expectations on this historic Meeting.
As leaders of 25 Asian and European countries, we should live up to their
expectations. Let us work together to build a new Asia-Europe partnership oriented towards the 21st century and to shape a more splendid future for our two continents and the world at large.
Speech by President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China at APEC Economic Leaders Meeting 1996/11/25
Subic, the Philippines
25 November 1996
Your Excellency President Fidel V. Ramos,
Excellencies,
I am delighted to be here at scenic Subic for the APEC leadership gathering which I hope will give fresh impetus to economic cooperation in our region. I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to President Ramos for his kind invitation and to the Philippine Government for its thoughtful arrangements for our meeting.
The Asia-Pacific region has steadily raised its economic strength and scientific ２１
and technical level in recent years. Some developing members of the region, in particular, have maintained a momentum of rapid growth. However, the gains are rather uneven among member economies. Particularly, there is still a big gap in terms of economic level between the developing members and the developed ones.
Economic ties between countries are becoming closer and more extensive nowadays, which presents fresh opportunities as well as new challenges for Asia- Pacific economic development. In order to maintain a sustained economic growth, countries and areas in the Asia-Pacific region need to continue tapping their own potentials while reinforcing economic cooperation at the regional level.
Since the Bogor Meeting, APEC trade and investment liberalization has got off on track gradually and made some positive headway. One important contribution of the Osaka Meeting was to begin placing equal importance on economic and technical cooperation and trade and investment liberalization. Nevertheless, we are yet to work out a consensus on how to push forward economic and technical cooperation.
One opinion only emphasizes the importance of trade and investment liberalization, while allocating a subordinate role to economic and technical cooperation. I am afraid this opinion fails to consider all sides of the matter. In fact, without a fruitful economic and technical cooperation, trade and investment liberalization can not make much headway. In so far as developed members are concerned, market is essential to their continued growth as they must seek new outlets for their capital and merchandise. Such a market will be very limited if economies of the developing members remain stagnant. Economic and technical cooperation will facilitate the growth of developing members, thereby turning potential markets into real ones and widening the growth horizon of the developed members.
I would like to make a few observations in this regard.
---- The basic objective of economic and technical cooperation is to turn diversity into complementarity in the economic development of all members, so as to achieve common prosperity. Hence, we should step up cooperation in the technical field, facilitate the diffusion of technology and know-how, and promote the development and effective use of human and natural resources.
----In both principles and practices, APEC economic and technical cooperation is quite different from development aid in the traditional sense. This cooperation is reciprocal, based on equality, mutual benefit and complementarity. It calls for the rich helping the poor, but also requires all members to make their respective contribution within their means. It stresses the role of government, but also encourages involvement of business sector. It allows appropriate policy guidance, but also applies market mechanism. It opens not only to members but also to non-members. With such an approach, all participants will be able to do their very best.
---- In order to ensure an effective economic and technical cooperation, it is necessary to set a focus, namely, to define certain priority areas. There is a high degree of complementarity among APEC members in the realms of human resources development, science and technology, environmental protection and infrastructure. We should adopt effective measures to strengthen exchanges and cooperation in this regard.
２２
Since its establishment, APEC has accumulated some experience in the course of practice and gradually come up with unique way of cooperation. This has come to be known as the "APEC approach''. It has such features as recognition of diversity; emphasis on flexibility, gradual progress and openness; adherence to mutual respect, equality, mutual benefit, consensus and voluntarity; and combination of individual and collective actions. Guided by the collectively-defined common objectives, APEC members are free to make their respective efforts in light of their own circumstances. These principles and practices take into account of differing development levels and resilience of partners in cooperation, and thus strike an optimum balance among their diverse interests and demands.
This approach should also be adhered to in APEC trade and liberalization. The issue of information technology addressed during this meeting is indeed very important. However, due to the differences among APEC members in terms of levels of economic development, it will be very difficult for them to liberalize the sector within the framework of one timetable. Adequate flexibility should be exercised in the area of product coverage. Moreover, promoting the flow of information technology is not merely a question of reducing tariffs, it also requires efforts to remove impediments to technology transfer.
APEC practice has shown that this approach is viable and effective. Since the Osaka Meeting, all members have submitted their IAPs on trade and investment liberalization. In the context of their respective development levels, many members, including China, have made tremendous efforts to promote regional cooperation and trade and investment liberalization. I have the pleasure to inform you that China has reduced its average import tariff rate from 35.9% to 23% in the current year, and will bring it further down to around 15% by year 2000. China will continue to support the ''APEC approach'', actively participate in Asia-Pacific economic cooperation and make its due contribution to the realization of our common objectives.
There is no precedence which APEC can follow since ours is a new type of economic cooperation. We should go forward, constantly enriching and supplementing our experience of cooperation, so as to blaze a new trail towards even closer Asia-Pacific economic cooperation. May I conclude my speech by quoting Chinese thinker and writer Lu Xun who said: ''For actually the earth had no road to begin with, but when many men pass one way, a road is made.''
Thank you.
Carrying Forward Gener-Ations of Friendly and Good-Neighborly Relations and Enseavoring Towards a Better Tomorrowfor All 1996/12/02
Speech by President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China at
Islamabad, Pakistan
2 December, 1996
Your Excellency President Leghari,
Your Excellency Mr.Sajjad, Chairman of the Senate
Respected Friends,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
２３
It is with great joy that I have come to our close neighbor, the friendly Pakistan, for a state visit at the invitation of His Excellency President Leghari. I am exceptionally delighted today by the privilege of meeting all of you here. Please allow me to take this opportunity to convey to you and, through you, to the fraternal people of Pakistan the cordial greetings and best wishes of the Chinese People.
Pakistan is a great country with a time-honored and a splendid culture and its people are industrious, brave and talented. Brave and talented. Since independence, the Government and people of Pakistan have worked hard and scored gratifying achievements in the cause of nation-building. Pursuing a foreign policy of peace, independence, and non-alignment, Pakistan plays a constructive and positive role in regional and international affairs. The Chinese Government and people are overjoyed by the accomplishment of our Pakistani brothers and wish them new and greater successes on their path of nation-building and economic rejuvenation.
China and Pakistan enjoy a profound friendship dating back to ancient times, a friendship that has withstood the test of international vicissitudes. Over the past 45 years since the establishment of diplomatic ties, thanks to the loving care of the leaders of the two countries and the joint efforts of the two sides, Sino-Pakistani relations have enjoyed an all-round growth and bilateral cooperation based on mutual benefit has produced fruitful results. Our two peoples have regarded each other as friends in need and brothers bound by common fate, always sympathizing with and supporting each other. The Chinese Government and people cherish profoundly the traditional friendship between our two countries and stand ready to join the Pakistani side in further solidifying and strengthening this friendly and cooperative relationship.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The subcontinent of South Asia is an ancient and fascinating land. When human cultures in many parts of the world remained in their infancy, the people here had already created the resplendent Harappa Culture, adding a glowing page to ancient civilization of mankind. In modern times, when colonialism and imperialism ran amuck in South Asia, the people here fought back with an unyielding struggle that lasted more than a century, writing down a glorious chapter in the history of winning national independence by Asian peoples. Today, the people in South Asia have, with firm steps, embarked on a new journey towards stability and development, determined to end poverty and backwardness and catch up with the trend of the times. We are pleased to see the heartening progress made by the South Asian countries in recent years in improving their relations with one another and strengthening regional cooperation. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has played a meaningful role in promoting peace, stability and economic cooperation in the region. As all South Asian countries are committed to economic development while vigorously exploring for a path of economic reform and development suited to their respective national conditions, a favorable momentum of steady economic growth has begun to emerge across the region.
South Asia has a large population, vast area, rich natural resources and huge potential for development. It is my firm belief that the various South Asian peoples, who won their independence with a display of a dauntless spirit, will surely usher in a ２４
new era of prosperity and abundance on their fertile land of millennial civilization through their indomitable endeavor. Asia's booming economies and the unfolding economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region have presented a valuable opportunity for the economic development of South Asia, whereas economic rejuvenation of South Asia will in turn facilitate Asia's rise and a more prosperous Asia-Pacific.
China and South Asia are linked not only by common mountains and rivers, but also by a time-honored history of cultural exchanges and friendly contacts. Since ancient times we have been good neighbors, good friends and good brothers. Looking back, Chinese high monks Fa-Hsien and Hsuan-Tsang, renowned South Asian monks Buddhabhadra and Bodhidharma, were among numerous forerunners who, undeterred by the hardship of journeying through mountains and rivers, helped build bridges of friendly contacts between the two sides.
China and South Asia have had similar historical experience, in that they all suffered from the frenzied plunder and ruthless trampling of colonialism and imperialism. It is our common fate in bad times that makes our friendship all the more endearing. We have all along sympathized with and supported each other, be it in our erstwhile fight for national liberation and independence or in our current quest for state sovereignty and faster economic development. We will always engrave on our mind the invaluable support from our friends.
As much as they are cradles of human civilizations, China and South Asia are also the birthplace of the famous Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in modern times. In mid-1950s, in a display of extraordinary vision, the statesmen of China, South Asia and some other Asian countries jointly initiated the five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence. This was a groundbreaking event of historic significance, giving expression not only to the common wish of the newly-independent Asian countries for world peace and equal coexistence but also to the universal demand of the people all over the world. The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, like an evergreen tree drawing nutrients from both the oriental civilization and the spirit of the times, are displaying an undiminishing vitality after braving 40 years' of vicissitudes as they have norms governing state-to-state relations and the foundation for the new international political and economic order.
China and South Asian countries are all members of the developing world dedicated, as they are now, to developing their economies and improving their peoples' livelihood. They all need a peaceful and stable international environment and, particularly, a favorable surrounding environment. Given this, we are all positive factors making for peace and faster development.
To solidify our friendly and good-neithborly ties with the surrounding countries is our sincere wish and unswerving policy. Thanks to concerted efforts of the two sides in recent years, the multi-dimensional exchanges and cooperation between China and the various South Asian countries in many fields have grown steadily from strength to strength. Blessed with favorable political, economic, cultural and ２５
geographical conditions, the development of friendly relations and cooperation between the two sides holds out broad prospects and enjoys a huge potential for progress. We are ready to join hands with the South Asian countries in building a friendly and good-neighborly relationship that is long-term, stable and oriented towards the 21st century. To this end, we wish to propose.
Broadening exchanges and deepening the traditional friendship. We should, through a
variety of exchanges, particularly direct contacts and dialogues between top leaders, enhance mutual understanding and trust and build closer ties between each other. We should make joint efforts to carry forward the friendship between China on one hand and various South Asian counties on the other which was cultivated by our older generations of leaders.
2. Respecting each other and handing down the friendly and good-neighborly relations from generation to generation. China has always held that all countries, big or small, strong or weak, rich or poor, are all equals, While firmly opposed to such hegemonistic behaviors as infringing on other countries' sovereignty and interfering in other countries' internal affairs, China will never seek hegemony for itself. Always respecting other countries' sovereignty and territorial integrity, China also hopes that its position of achieving reunification and opposing national dismemberment will be understood and respected by others. China stands ready to live harmoniously with the South Asian countries on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. China is forever a trustworthy friend and neighbor to them.
3. Promoting mutual benefit and common development. Economic and technical technical cooperation of various forms should be carried out on the basis of equality and mutual benefit with emphasis on practical results so as to supply each other's needs and draw on each other's advantages. New ways of cooperation should be explored with a view to constantly expanding the scope of cooperation, upgrading its level and laying a more solid foundation for closer bilateral relations.
4. Properly handling existing disputes in the spirit of seeking common ground while setting aside differences. China and the South Asian countries have a great deal of common ground and converging interests just as all neighbors do. However, as neighbors, it is difficult not to have some differences or disputes from time to time. We stand for seeking common ground on major issues while reserving differences on minor ones. We should look at the differences or disputes from a long perspective, seeking a just and reasonable settlement through consultations and negotiations while bearing in mind the larger picture. If certain issues can not be resolved for the time being, they may be shelved temporarily so that they will not affect the normal state-to-state relations.
5. Working together towards a better future through unity and cooperation. While the world is undergoing a structural transition, it is necessary for our two sides to step up consultation, cooperate closely and come to each other's support in international affairs with a view to jointly safeguarding the rights and interests of developing countries and facilitating the establishment of a fair and equitable new international political and economic order. In the international relations today, economic factor is ２６
gaining an increasingly important role. Past experiences have proved that only through closer unity and cooperation and with a sound economic development can developing countries effectively resist hegemonism and outside interference, safeguard their independence, sovereignty and interests and secure a firm foothold in the community of nations.
As home to one third of Asia's population, South Asia is an important part of Asia. Without its stability and development, there can be no peace and prosperity in Asia as a whole. We sincerely hope that this region will enjoy long-term stability and vigorous economic development; that South Asian countries will treat one another as equals and live harmoniously, thus becoming exemplary of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in practice; and that they will settle their differences and disputes peacefully in the spirit of seeking common ground while reserving differences, mutual understanding and mutual accommodation. China will, as always, support South Asian regional cooperation, support the proposal and initiative for the establishment of South Asia Nuclear-free Zone and Indian Ocean Zone of Peace, and support all efforts designed to serve peace, stability and development in the South Asian region.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I would like to take this opportunity to say something about my own country. Over the past 47years since the founding of New china, the Chinese people have worked hard in self-reliance and are now advancing towards the goal of socialist modernization. Since the introduction of reform and opening-up, China's national economy has enjoyed a sustained, rapid and sound development. From 1979 to 1995, Our GNP increased by an annual rate of 9.9% and the income for our urban and rural residents by 6.3%. In 1995, our total import and export trade volume reached 280 billion US dollars. In the coming 15 years, according to our development program, China's economy will still be growing by over 7% annually.
During the course of modernization drive, we pay extra attention to properly handling the relations among reform, development and stability. Economic development is central to all our undertakings, with reform being the driving force for development, development being the foundation for social stability and prosperity, and stability being the precondition for economic growth and smooth implementation of reform.
Upholding the principle of ethnic equality, we attach great importance to developing economic and social undertaking in areas inhabited by minority ethnic groups, respecting their customs and lifestyles and protecting their freedom of religious belief. As a result, a sound relationship characterized by equality, mutual assistance, unity, cooperation and common prosperity has emerged among the people of all ethnic groups.
At present, China enjoys political stability, economic prosperity, national unity and social progress. Our endeavors on all fronts are progressing successfully.
It is the sacred duty of every people to maintain its national unification. The Chinese people are resolved to overcome all interferences and settle the questions of Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan in accordance with the principle of "one country, two ２７
systems" so as to fulfill the lofty mission of national reunification. China will resume the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong and Macao in 1997 and 1999 respectively. After returning to the motherland, they will maintain prosperity and stability, and continue to play an active role in strengthening the economic and trade links among Asian countries and between Asia and the rest of the world, Hong Kong will retain its status as an international trade, financial and shipping center, and the legitimate rights rights and interests of foreign enterprises there will be protected by law. A reunified and prosperous China will be a major contribution to peace and development in Asia and the world at large.
We are at a crucial moment where a new century will descend on a world undergoing profound historical changes. The trend of multipolarization featuring the rise of the developing countries is rolling on like an irresistible deluge. The pursuit of peace, stability, cooperation and development has become the main theme of our times. However, hegemonism and power politics linger on, numerous contradictions and disputes continue to plague the world, and peace and development remain severely challenged. The Chinese people stand ready to work with the peoples of South Asia and other countries towards a new century of peace and cooperation and a new world of stability and prosperity.
Thank you.
Intervention By H. E. Vice Premier and Foreign Minister Qian Qichen at the ASEM Foreign Minister's' Meeting Singapore, 5 February 1997 1997/02/05
I. Opening remarks
First of all, l wish to thank our host, the Government of Singapore, for its thoughtful arrangements for the meeting. This is Singapore's yet another contribution to the ASEM process which, I believe, will be facilitated by this meeting with the efforts of all sides.
II. General assessment of the ASEM process
The international relations are undergoing profound changes as we move on towards the twenty-first century. Such changes have two highly visible features. First, the world is increasingly multipolar as it is impossible for one or two big powers to monopolize international affairs. Second, with dynamic expansion of international trade and investment and rapid progress of science and technology, economic links between various countries and regions have become increasingly close and the trend of economic globalization has picked up momentum.
ASEM was convened to respond and adapt to these historical changes. The ancient civilization of Asia is brimming with renewed vitality as its economy grows with stunning speed. Europe, on the other hand, remains one of the world's leaders in economic stren6h and technological power. There is a great potential and broad prospect for them to establish a partnership of equality and mutual benefit and to enhance economic cooperation, political dialogue and cultural exchanges. In so doing, not only will they give new impetus to economic growth of Asian and European ２８
countries, but also serve the formation of a more balanced structure of international relations and world order.
We are pleased to see that the ASEM process has over the past year made certain progress by basically maintaining the momentum of the first ASEM. In particular, a framework for in-depth cooperation between governments and business communities of Asian and European countries has taken initial shape through such follow-up activities in tile economic field as the ASEM Senior Officials Meeting on Trade and Investment (SOMTI), Asia-Europe Business Forum and ASEM Government and Private Sector Working Group on Investment.
China has taken an active part in and contributed its share to the various ASEM follow-up activities.
The First ASEM Customs DG-Commissioners' Meeting sponsored by China in Shenzhen last June facilitated the cooperation among Asian and European countries in simplifying customs procedures and combating illegal drug trade.
In addition, China will host the Asia-Europe Expert Meeting on Technological Cooperation in Beijing from April 24 to 25 this year. Proposals for actions to be taken will be put forward after Asia-Europe cooperation in agriculture, environmental protection and technological upgrading of enterprises are discussed in depth. China looks forward to [6your full support for the initiative.
We believe that the follow-up activities will yield concrete results
as long as all parties, in strict compliance with the common understanding reached by the leaders in Bangkok, stick to the priorities, pursue progress in a step-by-step fashion and act by consensus.
III. International and regional issues
I. China's principled position on Asia-Europe political dialogue
The Chinese side agrees to a political dialogue within the ASEM framework. We believe that the focal point of the ASEM process is economic cooperation, a point which already enjoys a consensus among the parties. Political cooperation, which is built on that premise, is also an important component of the new Asia-Europe partnership. The exchange of views among Asian and European countries on international and regional issues of common interest, on the basis of equality, mutual respect for sovereignty, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, seeking common ground while putting aside differences, consensus and step-by-step progress will be conducive to closer mutual understanding and mutual trust and the maintenance of world peace and stability.
As for contents of the proposed political dialogue, China is of the view that it should stay away from sensitive or controversial issues and that it should avoid overlapping with other forums. It is hardly advisable for multilateral meetings to deal with bilateral issues.
As for mechanisms of the dialogue, the parties should honour the spirit of the Chairman's Statement of the first ASEM by making use of the existing ones, both multilateral and bilateral, such as the Foreign Ministers' Meeting and the Senior Officials' Meeting, and discussing political issues as part of the overall framework of Asia-Europe cooperation. We see no necessity, at this stage, for establishing new, ２９
special mechanisms.
2. Asia-Pacific security
At a time of transition towards a multipolar world, the situation in Asia Pacific is relatively stable. With increased economic strength, the developing countries in this region have enjoyed a notably higher status while playing a greater role in Asia-Pacific affairs. They have become the principal force for regional security. Such a trend helps the shaping of a fair and reasonable new order of regional security characterized by consultation, cooperation and equality.
It is noteworthy that hegemonism and' power politics still linger in the Asia-Pacific region while the Cold War mentality continues to wield certain influence in the international relations. The troubles and problems in this region that are left over from history are all local in nature, and can be resolved gradually, as one would hope, through peaceful means.
Being an Asia-Pacific country, China always attaches great importance to the maintenance of regional peace and stability. China needs a surrounding environment of long-term stability and tranquillity in order to concentrate its resources on economic development and improvement of: its peoples living standards. Our rapid economic growth for more than a decade has been benefited from the peace in the region. Our economic development, in turn, has contributed to a stable and more prosperous region. We will continue working for peace and development in Asia-Pacific. A stable, strong and prosperous China, rather than being a threat to any country, can only be a major contributor to peace and development in Asia and the world at large.
IV. On ASEM's direction and future work
Even with the progress in ASEM follow-up activities, member states remain confronted with many challenges on the road toward deeper cooperation.
First, how to deepen, while ensuring the right direction of the ASEM process, Asia-Europe cooperation in ways and at a speed that are acceptable to all men2ber states. Second, how to address the differences among member states in economic level, historical development and cultural background and their different views arising therefrom. Third, how to handle the question of admitting new members. These issues have a direct bearing on whether the ASEM process can sustain its dynamism and sound growth.
As for the first issue, we believe that if we want to maintain and increase the momentum of cooperation and give greater substance to the follow-up activities so as to bring genuine benefits to all member states, it is crucial that we continue to make economic cooperation the focal point of the ASEM process. It has long been the consensus among ASEM members that economic links form the foundation of the Asia-Europe partnership. Maintaining this consensus is the basic premise for progress in Asia-Europe cooperation.
In economic cooperation, it is necessary to take into consideration the interests of all sides, giving equal emphasis to both trade and investment and technological cooperation, and making them support and complement each other.
Regarding the second issue, I would like to reiterate the principled position on a ３０
new Asia-Europe partnership pronounced by Premier Li Peng at the first ASEM, namely, respect each other and treat each other as equals; seek common Wounds while preserving differences and learn from each other; increase understanding and build up confidence; strive for mutual benefits and draw on each other's advantages. These principles were widely endorsed at the first ASEM and were reflected in the Chairman's Statement. As long as these principles are adhered to by all sides in promoting Asia-Europe cooperation, diversity will turn into real engine for cooperation rather than a hurdle to exchanges.
On the question of new membership, the Chinese side holds that the purpose of ASEM is to broaden dialogue, deepen understanding and facilitate cooperation between the two continents. This requires that its membership should have a certain degree of representativeness. Given the complexity of the issue, it can be addressed in a phased manner. In view of the current imbalance in membership of the two continents, admitting more Asian countries should be first on the agenda of new membership admission. The successful handling of this matter will have a significant impact on the ASEM process. The decision on this question should be made by consensus in accordance with the spirit of the Chairman's Statement of the first ASEM meeting.
What I want to emphasize here is that since ASEM deals with issues that fall into political, security, economic and other categories, its very nature determines that only sovereign states can participate. There should be no doubt about it. In addition, pending a new consensus on the expansion of membership, participants of the ASEM follow-up activities should be the same as those of the first ASEM.
The second ASEM to be held in Britain in 1998 will be of great significance. The meeting should make headway in addressing the three issues mentioned above and promoting Asia-Europe cooperation on the basis of the consensus leached by all parties at the Bangkok meeting. A sound preparation should, therefore, be made in earnest.
Furthermore, the Chinese side takes a positive and supportive attitude toward both Singapore's proposal for an Asia-Europe Cooperation Framework and ROK's proposal for an Asia-Europe Vision Group. We hope that they can present from two different perspectives governmental and non-governmental--some forward-looking ideas and recommendations about Asia-Europe partnership.
V. Asia-Europe Foundation
The Chinese side welcomes and support the establishment of the foundation and places high expectations on its role. Increased mutual understanding and mutual trust is the basis for the 21st century-oriented partnership between Asia and Europe. The establishment of ASEF, whose purpose is to promote academic, cultural and people-to-people exchanges between the two continent, will provide new channel of contacts among Asian and European countries.
Like the other countries, we agree to the modality for the establishment of ASEF as proposed by Singapore. To ensure ASEF's smooth operation so as to play its anticipated role, member states should seek an appropriate long-term solution for ASEF's legal status at the second ASEM. Besides, while acting as a "clearing house, ３１
coodinator, catalyst and facilitator" in its priority areas, ASEF can gradually expand its scope of operation and contribute to greater Asia-Europe cooperation in an all-round manner.
We want to thank Singapore for its efforts in launching ASEF and appreciate other member state for their support. The Chinese Government will make a contribution of US$ to the Foundation while taking an active part in its activities.
The Chinese side agrees that Mr. And Ambassador Tommy Hoh serve respectively as Chairman of the Board of Governors and Director of the Foundation. We are confident that ASEF will live up to our expectations under their able leadership.
Speech by President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China at the Ceremony for the Handover of Hong Kong Held by the Chinese and British Governments 1997/07/01
Your Royal Highness Prince Charles,
Prime Minister Tony Blair,
Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen:
The national flag of the People's Republic of China and the regional flag of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China have now solemnly risen over this land. At this moment, people of all countries in the world are casting their eyes on Hong Kong. In accordance with the Sino-British Joint Declaration on the question of Hong Kong, the two governments have held on schedule the handover ceremony to mark China's resumption of the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong and the official establishment of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China. This is both a festival for the Chinese nation and a victory for the universal cause of peace and justice.
Thus, July 1, 1997 will go down in the annals of history as a day that merits eternal memory. The return of Hong Kong to the motherland after going through more than one century of vicissitudes indicates that from now on, Hong Kong compatriots have become true masters of this Chinese land and that Hong Kong has now entered a new era of development.
History will remember Mr. Deng Xiaoping for his creative concept of "one country, two systems." It is precisely along the course envisaged by this great concept that we have successfully resolved the Hong Kong question through diplomatic negotiations and finally achieved Hong Kong's return to the motherland.
On this solemn occasion, I wish to express thanks to all the personages in both China and Britain who have contributed to the settlement of the Hong Kong question and to all those in the world who have cared for and supported Hong Kong's return to the motherland.
On this solemn occasion, I wish to extend cordial greetings and best wishes to more than six million Hong Kong compatriots who have now returned to the embrace of the motherland.
３２
After the return of Hong Kong, the Chinese Government will unswervingly implement the basic policies of "one country, two systems," "Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong" and "a high degree of autonomy" and keep Hong Kong's previous socio-economic system and way of life of Hong Kong unchanged and its previous laws basically unchanged.
After the return of Hong Kong, the Central People's Government shall be responsible for foreign affairs relating to Hong Kong and the defense of Hong Kong. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be vested, in accordance with the Basic Law, with executive power, legislative power and independent judicial power, including that of final adjudication. Hong Kong people shall enjoy various rights and freedoms according to law. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall gradually develop a democratic system that suits Hong Kong's reality.
After the return, Hong Kong will retain its status of a free port, continue to function as an international financial, trade and shipping center and maintain and develop its economic and cultural ties with other countries, regions, and relevant international organizations. The legitimate economic interests of all countries and regions in Hong Kong will be protected by law.
I hope that all the countries and regions that have investment and trade interests here will continue to work for the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong.
Hong Kong compatriots have a glorious patriotic tradition. Hong Kong's prosperity today, in the final analysis, has been built by Hong Kong compatriots. It is also inseparable from the development and support of the mainland. I am confident that, with the strong backing of the entire Chinese people, the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and Hong Kong compatriots will be able to manage Hong Kong well, build it up and maintain its long-term prosperity and stability, thereby ensuring Hong Kong a splendid future.
Thank you.
President Jiang Zemin's Speech at Ceremony for Establishment of HKSAR 1997/07/01
Ladies and Gentlemen, My Fellow Countrymen,
Today, the Chinese and British Governments have held the handover ceremony of Hong Kong, solemnly announcing the resumption by the Chinese Government of the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong. Now, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China is formally established, which is an event of great importance and far-reaching influence for Hong Kong, for China and even for the whole world. I take this as a red letter day not only for the Hong Kong compatriots, but also for the Chinese people and the entire Chines nation.
At this August historical moment, on behalf of the Central People's Government and the Chinese people of all ethnic groups, I wish to extend our warm congratulations on Hong Kong's return to the motherland and the establishment of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, to extend our cordial greetings to the six million Hong Kong compatriots now back to the big family of the motherland, and to express our gratitude to the compatriots in Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, and the ３３
overseas Chinese who have contributed to Hong Kong's return and all the patriotic personages supporting China's reunification. My thanks also go to all our foreign friends who have cared for and supported Hong Kong's return to China. I also wish to extend, on behalf of the Chinese Government, our welcome to the distinguished guests and friends who are present at this Ceremony.
Hong Kong's return to the motherland is a shining page in the annals of the Chinese nation. From now on, the Hong Kong compatriots will truly become masters here as a new leaf will be turned in the annals of Hong Kong.
Since ancient times, our ancestors have lived and labored on this land generation after generation. From the Qin Dynasty to Emperor Daoguang's Reign of the Qing Dynasty, China exercised jurisdiction and sovereignty over Hong Kong. In mid-19th century, after launching two Opium Wars, Britain forced the corrupt and incompetent Qing Government to sign the Treaty of Nanking, 1842 and the Convention of Peking, 1860. In 1898, Britain again coerced the Qing Government into signing the Convention of the Extension of Hong Kong, thus occupying the entire Hong Kong region. Notwithstanding the prolonged separation, the flesh-and-blood bond between the people on mainland and Hong Kong compatriots had never severed; nor had their shared sentiment for the well-being of the nation. The Chinese people have never recognized the unequal treaties imposed on them, never forgotten for a single day the humiliating state of Hong Kong under occupation and never stopped their indomitable struggle for state sovereignty and national emancipation.
With the passage of time, earthshaking changes have taken place. The rise of the first Five-Star Red Flag at Tiananmen Square showed the world that China had achieved national independence and liberation and embarked on a road to socialism. Thanks to reform and opening-up, a rejuvenated Chinese nation has taken on a completely new look, and its international stature has been greatly enhanced. It is under these conditions and against this historical backdrop that Hong Kong has finally returned to the motherland.
In these days of national jubilation for Hong Kong's return, we cherish dearly and with great admiration the memory of Mr Deng Xiaoping, who passed away not long ago. He initiated, with exceptional wisdom and great statesmanship, the creative vision of "one country, two systems," charting the correct course for us to resolve the Hong Kong question through diplomatic negotiations and to maintain long-term prosperity and stability of Hong Kong.
After the Chinese Government resumes the exercise of sovereignty over it, Hong Kong will continue to practice the capitalist system, with its previous socio-economic system and way of life remaining unchanged and its laws basically unchanged while the main part of the nation persists in the socialists system.
As a special administrative region of the People's Republic of China, Hong Kong will enjoy a high degree of autonomy as provided for by the Basic Law, which includes the executive, legislative and independent judicial power, including that of final adjudication. The Central People's Government will administer foreign and defense affairs of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in accordance with law. We extend our sincere congratulations to Mr. Tung Chee Hwa, Chief Executive ３４
of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government, who has been sworn in today. We have full confidence in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government under his leadership and will give it full support. The Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be observed not only in Hong Kong, but also by all departments of the Central Government as well as the provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the Central Government. No central department or locality may or will be allowed to interfere in the affairs which, under the Basic Law, should be administered by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region on its own.
After Hong Kong returns to the motherland, the overwhelming majority of the laws previously in force will be maintained. Hong Kong residents will enjoy their rights and freedoms in accordance with law and will be equal before the law. The provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and international labor conventions as applied to Hong Kong will remain in force to be implemented through Hong Kong's regional legislation. A gradually improved democratic system suited to Hong Kong's reality is an important guarantee for its social and political stability. Hong Kong will, in accordance with the Basic Law, develop democracy gradually with the ultimate aim of electing the chief executive and the Legislative Council by universal suffrage.
After its return to the motherland, Hong Kong will retain the status of a free port and an international financial, trade and shipping center while continuing to maintain and develop its economic and cultural relations with other countries, regions and relevant international organizations so that this international economic metropolis will forever be vigorous and dynamic. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region protects the right to own private property in accordance with law and may, on its own, formulate its economic, trade, monetary, financial, educational, scientific and technological, cultural and sports policies in accordance with law. It will have independent finances, practice an independent taxation system and be a separate customs territory. All the economic and trade activities and investment interests of other countries and regions in Hong Kong will be protected by law. These policies and guidelines have been formulated by the Central People's Government after careful consideration of the need to safeguard both the immediate interests of the Hong Kong compatriots and the fundamental interests of the Chinese nation. Their adherence serves Hong Kong, serves the entire nation and serves the world as well. Therefore, there is no reason whatsoever to change them. Here, I would like to reaffirm that "one country, two systems," "Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong" and "a high degree of autonomy" will remain unchanged for 50 years. This is a long-term basic principle of ours.
Hong Kong's success today is, in the final analysis, the work of the Hong Kong compatriots. Their pioneering and enterprising spirit has filled people around the world with deep admiration. Our Hong Kong compatriots will certainly carry forward this valuable spirit and bring about a better future for Hong Kong. As Mr Deng Xiaoping rightly put it, "The Chinese in Hong Kong have the ability to run the affairs ３５
of Hong Kong well and they should be confident of that."
Hong Kong's success today is inseparable from China's development and the support by the people on the mainland. After the founding of New China, the Chinese Government has all along given support for a socially stable and economically prosperous Hong Kong. Since the beginning of China's reform and opening-up, that support has become even more powerful and effective. Hong Kong, as an important bridge linking China and the rest of the world in economic, scientific, technological and cultural exchanges, has benefited from it immensely. With the continuous advance of China's modernization drive, Hong Kong's economic link with the mainland will become even closer and its role as a bridge will be increasingly enhanced. This in turn will give a stronger impetus to Hong Kong's economic growth.
Hong Kong's success today is also attributable to a number of other factors. Its advantageous geographical location, its free port policy of complete openness, its well-developed legal system and highly efficient team of civil service, and its effective economic management and civic administration have all facilitated Hong Kong's economic development. These factors will continue to play a positive role after its return.
Our Hong Kong compatriots are known for their glorious tradition of patriotism. They have made important contributions in the struggle for national liberation and in the modernization drive of the motherland. Hong Kong compatriots will surely display greater love for the motherland and for Hong Kong, and take it as their utmost honor to maintain long-term prosperity and stability in Hong Kong and safeguard the fundamental interests of the country and the nation.
To many foreigners living here, Hong Kong has already become their home. It will remain their home in the future where they can live and work in peace and contentment. In Hong Kong, everyone will have the chance to compete on an equal footing and everyone will be entitled to the rights and freedoms as protected by law, regardless of race and color.
By achieving a negotiated settlement of the Hong Kong question, the Chinese and British Governments have provided the international community with an example of peaceful settlement of historical issues between states. Here, I wish to express my thanks to those British personages, both within and without the government, for their contributions to the smooth transition of Hong Kong. We are confident that the successful solution to the Hong Kong question will help strengthen the friendship between the two peoples.
Thanks to reform, opening-up and the modernization drive, China has witnessed tremendous changes in its economic and social life. We owe all our achievements most fundamentally to the road of building socialism with Chinese characteristics which we have taken. We will unswervingly take economic development as our central task, continue to deepen reform, open still wider to the outside world and push for overall social progress. We will unswervingly promote peaceful reunification of the motherland in accordance with the principle of "one country, two systems", ensuring a smooth return of Macao and eventually resolving the Taiwan question. We will unswervingly pursue the independent foreign policy of peace, join the people of ３６
other countries in maintaining world peace and promoting common development, and contribute our share to the establishment of a fair and equitable new international order of peace and stability.
The advent of the 21st century has entered a countdown stage. Our country is at an important historical juncture. Let the entire Chinese people, our compatriots in Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan and the overseas Chinese included, get untied, let all patriots who support China's reunification and care for its development get united. Let us all work hard with one mind, seize the day, seize the hour, keep abreast of the times and strive for the complete reunification of the motherland and the overall rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
Thank you.
President Jiang Zemin's Speech to Celebrate HK's Return 1997/07/01 Comrades and Friends,
Today, the Chinese and British Governments have held the handover ceremony of Hong Kong, declaring the resumption by the Chinese Government of the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong and the formal establishment of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People's Republic of China. With the rising of the Five-Star Red Flag and the Regional Flag of the SAR over Hong Kong, the over six million Hong Kong compatriots have now come back to the embrace of the great motherland. The vast land of China is a scene of jubilation and people from all corners of the world are fixing their eyes upon Hong Kong. The return of Hong Kong, the 100-year expectation of the Chinese people, has finally come true.
Tonight, people from all walks of life in Beijing have solemnly gathered here to celebrate this major event of our nation together with people in other parts of the country. On behalf of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the Central People's Government and people of all ethnic groups in China, I would like to express my warm congratulations on the return of Hong Kong and on the establishment of the Hong Kong SAR.
The return of Hong Kong marks an end to the 100-year national humiliation of leaving Hong Kong under foreign occupation and has opened a new era of common development of Hong Kong and the mainland. It also symbolizes an important step in the great cause of achieving national reunification and new contribution of the Chinese people to world peace, development and progress.
The return of Hong Kong is a major event in the annals of the development of the Chinese nation and also in world history in the twentieth century.
At this important juncture, we cannot but think of Comrade Deng Xiaoping, chief architect of China's reform and opening-up program and the founder of the theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics. The contribution he made to the settlement of the Hong Kong question and the promotion of the complete reunification of our motherland was of major historic significance. We shall carry forward his legacy and work to ensure the success of Hong Kong and that of our modernization program and national reunification.
This important moment has also revived our profound memory of Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De and other proletarian revolutionaries of the elder ３７
generation who were founders of the New China and made outstanding contribution to the Chinese nation. We recall the revolutionary martyrs and noble-minded patriots who heroically devoted their lives to the liberation of the Chinese people and to an independent, unified, strong and prosperous China. They would find it a great relief to hear that Hong Kong has finally come back to the motherland, Macao will come back soon, and the prospect of a complete national reunification and all-round rejuvenation of the Chinese nation now stands promisingly in sight.
Reflecting on the past in the light of the present, all sorts of feelings have welled up. Since the beginning of modern history, the Chinese people, tragically but heroically, traversed a long and rugged road, a road full of humiliation and hardship, aspirations and tenacious pursuit, twists and turns, and struggles and sacrifices. Without all this, we would not have been able to obtain full independence, progress, development and pride today.
In the 1840s and 1850s, Britain launched two aggressive Opium Wars against China and forced the government of the Qing Dynasty to sign the Treaty of Nanking, 1842 and the Convention of Peking, 1860, documents of national betrayal and humiliation which led to the cession of the Hong Kong Island and Kowloon to Britain. With the Convention of the Extension of Hong Kong in 1898, Britain forced the lease of the "New Territories" for ninety-nine years, thus occupying the entire Hong Kong area.
The occupation of Hong Kong is an epitome of the humiliation China suffered in modern history. The Treaty of Nanking was the first unequal treaty imposed by a big Western power upon the Chinese people. The Opium War turned China from a feudal society into a semi-colonial and semi-feudal one.
The brutal aggression of China by big powers and the two-fold imperialist and feudalist oppression of the Chinese people aggravated their sufferings and hence the crisis of the Chinese nation. On the other hand, they also awakened the entire nation and aroused people's resistance which contributed to the development and social progress of China. This is the rule of historical dialectics which is independent of the will of the oppressors.
The modern history of China tells us: a backward nation is liable to grief and a poor and weak one to bullying. The only way to fundamentally change one's historical fate is to rise up in resistance and work for a prosperous and powerful country. Ever since the first day of the big powers' aggression of China, the Chinese people had held high the patriotic banner in their struggle for national salvation and survival and against bullying through unity. From the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom Uprising to the Boxing Movement, from the Reform Movement of 1898 to the Revolution of 1911 led by Dr. Sun Yat-sen, numerous sons and daughters of the Chinese people and noble-minded patriots advanced wave upon wave and endured all difficulties and hardships in pursuit of the salvation for the country and the people. In particular, after the May 4th Movement and the founding of CPC, the Chinese people got further united and, through hard struggle, eventually overturned the "three big mountains" and opened a new epoch of maintaining independence and building socialism. The Chinese nation will no longer allow itself to be bullied, oppressed and exploited by ３８
others. Today, the Chinese people have made remarkable achievements in their modernization endeavor. As a result, China now enjoys a higher international status in the world. It is against this background and for this very reason that Hong Kong has come back to China.
What the modern history of China also tells us is that the leadership of an advanced political party and guidance by scientific theories are indispensable for national liberation and for building a strong and prosperous country. Comrade Mao Zedong once said, it was only when the progressives in China found the scientific theory of Marxism and Leninism as the instrument for studying a nation's destiny that the Chinese people ceased to be passive in spirit and gained the initiative. It was the Communists who, integrating the basic theory of Marxism and Leninism with the specific reality in China, founded the Mao Zedong Thought and guided the people of China to their national independence and liberation and a socialist country with initial prosperity. Today, it is again the Communists who have carried forward and developed further Marxism, Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, founded Deng Xiaoping's theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics and led the Chinese people to victory and progress in the reform, opening-up and modernization endeavour. Without the leadership of the CPC and the guidance of its scientific theory, it would be inconceivable for us to achieve national liberation and build China into a strong and prosperous country.
China's modern history also tells us that to catch up with the progress of the times and trends in world development, a country must break up self-seclusion and go in for opening up. A major cause for the backwardness that China suffered after the industrial revolution in the West was the unwise closed-door policy adopted by the then feudal rulers, who, unaspiring as they were, forfeited China of its ability to advance with the times and to resist the imperialist aggression, leaving it many records of national betrayal and humiliation. To lift themselves out of poverty and backwardness, a rotten legacy of history, it is imperative for the emancipated Chinese people to concentrate on economic development and conduct extensive economic, trade, scientific, technological and cultural exchanges and co-operation with all other countries in the world to draw upon fine fruit of world civilization.
In the fundamental interests of the country and the nation and in view of historical and practical conditions, Comrade Deng Xiaoping, with the farsightedness of a great statesman and strategist, initiated the creative concept of "one country, two systems", which charted a right path to the realization of our national reunification. It was in accordance with this concept that we have successfully worked out a settlement for the question of Hong Kong's return to the motherland through diplomatic negotiations, and it has also set a new model for peaceful settlement by the international community of outstanding historical issues between states and international disputes.
We will unswervingly carry out the principles of "one country, two systems", "Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong" and "a high degree of autonomy", and make sure that the previous socio-economic system and way of life of Hong Kong remain unchanged and that laws previously in force in Hong Kong remain basically ３９
unchanged.
We will firmly support the Hong Kong SAR in its exercise of the functions and powers bestowed on it by the Basic Law and the Hong Kong SAR Government in its admins Government, provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the Central People's Government shall all observe the Basic Law of the Hong Kong SAR and none of them shall interfere in the affairs that shall be managed by the Hong Kong SAR on its own will unequivocally protect the rights and freedoms of Hong Kong residents in accordance with law. Economic activities, trade and investment interests of other countries and regions in Hong Kong will be protected by law.
The implementation of these policies will not only ensure long-term prosperity and stability in Hong Kong after its return to the motherland but also help promote the socialist modernization drive on the mainland. It will set an example for a smooth return of Macao and for the final solution to the Taiwan question. It will also contribute to enhanced international economic and technological co-operation and to world peace and stability.
In modern times, Hong Kong compatriots waged a heroic struggle against foreign aggression together with the rest of the Chinese nation. They have opened up and developed Hong Kong with their own hands and wisdom. Now that Hong Kong is back in the motherland, their political status has changed momentously. Never before have they showed such patriotism towards the motherland and Hong Kong. There is every reason to believe that with the great motherland as its strong backing, with the vigorous support of the entire Chinese people and the concerted efforts of Hong Kong compatriots, with full exploitation of its unique advantages, the international metropolis of Hong Kong will shed even greater radiance.
Continued prosperity and stability in Hong Kong will benefit all countries and regions having economic activities, trade and investment interests in Hong Kong as well as those having economic and trading ties with the mainland. As this is an issue involving interests of many parties, we hope that countries and regions concerned will adopt a constructive and co-operative attitude to it.
Above the sea, the moon shines bright; And everywhere in the world, people celebrate this moment in solemn delight. On this fine night, our compatriots in Macao and Taiwan and overseas Chinese are sharing the joy together with us on this grand occasion of celebrating Hong Kong's return.
Macao will return to the motherland in 1999, which will be another great event of our nation. Thanks to the friendly co-operation between China and Portugal, preparations for the return of Macao are now progressing smoothly. We have full confidence in Macao's smooth return.
It is an ardent aspiration of all Chinese to settle the question of Taiwan in line with the basic policy of "peaceful reunification and one country, two systems" and to realize the great cause of national reunification. We hope that the Taiwan authorities will, setting store by the overall interests of our nation, truly return to the one China position and take concrete steps towards the development of cross-Straits relations and to the complete reunification of the country.
As the 21st century is approaching, profound and encouraging changes are taking ４０
place on this planet where we live. With accumulated progress of human civilizations of several millennia, mankind has displayed enormous creativity. Peace and development have become the mainstream of our times and the world is moving in a direction favorable to the formation of a multipolar pattern and the establishment of a just and rational new international order. The new scientific and technical revolution driven by the development of the information technology has advanced by leaps and bounds. And never before have the world economic co-operation and competition and cultural exchanges and interplay been so extensive and profound. In today's world, we are faced with both challenges and opportunities. We must seize the precious development opportunities without letting them slip away and courageously take up the challenges to further expand the social productive force, increase the aggregate national strength of our country and improve the livelihood of our people.
To realize the modernization of our country and the rejuvenation of our nation, we must unswervingly implement the basic line advanced by the CPC and follow the road of building socialism with Chinese characteristics charted by Comrade Deng Xiaoping. We must always concentrate on economic development, seize the opportunity to deepen reform, expand the opening-up program, promote development and maintain stability so as to open up new prospects for the continued thriving of our cause. At the forthcoming 15th National Congress of the CPC, we will map out a comprehensive strategic plan for reform, development, stability and other major issues in our country and put forward a program of action to guide our people in their efforts to press ahead with the socialist reform, opening-up and modernization drive towards the new century in an all-round way.
We Chinese people love peace dearly and fully appreciate its value. We will unswervingly pursue the independent foreign policy of peace, oppose hegemonism and power politics, support international just causes, continue to develop friendly relations and co-operation with all countries in the world, and will never seek hegemony. We are committed to regional and world peace and we want to be trustworthy friends of world people forever. Today is a day of great rejoicing marking Hong Kong's return to the motherland and is also the 76th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Reviewing the history and looking into the future, we are fully confident of the bright future of our great motherland and the Chinese nation. With the leadership of the CPC, the guidance of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought and Deng Xiaoping's theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics and the unity of the Chinese people of all ethnic groups and patriotic forces, we will be able to build our motherland into a prosperous, strong, democratic and civilized modern socialist country through continuous hard work of several generations in a great patriotic spirit. The great Chinese nation will be able to make fresh and even greater contribution to mankind.
Speech by President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China at the 5th APEC Informal Leadership Meeting 1997/11/25
Vancouver, Canada
25 November 1997
４１
The Rt. Hon. Prune Minister Chretien,
Fellow Colleagues,
It is a great pleasure for me to come to this picturesque land of maples. First of all, please allow me to extend my heartfelt thanks to you, Mr. Prime Minister and the Canadian Government for your considerate arrangements.
As mankind is approaching the 2lst century, it is necessary for us to develop a concept as well as a modality for cooperation that are in conformity with the trend of the times by summarizing the past experience and looking into the future.
APEC is the most influential economic forum in our region and one of the most dynamic organizations for economic cooperation in the world. It has its own basic features in its approach, that is, giving full consideration to the diversity of its members and acknowledging their divergence in the level and stage of development as well as the consequent differing interests and needs; laying emphasis on flexibility, step-by-step progress and openness, adhering to such principles as equality and mutual benefit, consensus, seeking common ground while putting aside differences as well as voluntarism; and, combining individual with collective actions.
Practice has proved all the more clearly that the APEC Approach, which responds to the reality in the region, is conducive to achieving a balance of rights, interests and needs of various members. It will also help its member economies to give full play to their capability for common development. Adherence to this approach affords an important guarantee for strengthened cooperation among APEC members.
The sole mission of APEC is to promote economic cooperation. It should refrain from extending the scope of its discussion to social, political, security and other non-economic fields. It is necessary to concentrate our efforts on advancing economic cooperation in a spirit of doing certain things and refraining from doing other things.
Trade and investment liberalization is a relative and conditional concept for any APEC member economy. Diversity among APEC members and their actual circumstances should be fully taken into consideration and the principles of voluntarism, mutual benefit, and consensus be observed. In identifying sectors for early voluntary liberalization ( EVSL), members should be allowed to maintain the freedom of choice in terms of participation. Meanwhile, the differentiation between the two timetables should be acknowledged, and both the interests of a member itself as well as those of other members should be considered so as to facilitate common development. Developed members should be encouraged to use their economic and technological advantages to help developing members on the basis of equality, mutual benefit and complementarity. By no means should the interests of the developing economies be compromised. Only in this way will more opportunities for cooperation be created for both developed and developing members.
Economic and technological cooperation and trade and investment liberalization are closely linked and should support each other. The rapid and dynamic advance of science and technology today has become the decisive factor behind the development of productive forces and exerted profound impacts on world economy and social life. Strengthened scientific and technological exchanges as well as technological ４２
cooperation and transfer will not only help augment the economic and technological strength of developing members, but also enhance the sustainability of economic development of the developed members. This will not only narrow the gap of development among its members but also greatly facilitate the process of trade and investment liberalization. To this end, I would like to put forward the following four points.
I. Fully open the market for technology trade so as to facilitate the technological cooperation and transfer among APEC members, remove man-made barriers and abolish discriminative policies and practices.
II. Adopt necessary measures to encourage and speed up the transfer of hi-technologies and other latest technologies to all members and developing members in particular with a view to promoting economic and technological progress of developing members.
III. All members should pay due attention to the protection of intellectual property rights and work to rationalize the IRP regime. Protective period of technical patents should be appropriate and terms of their transfer fair.
IV. I would like to propose that APEC adopts an Agenda for Science and Technology Industry Cooperation into the 21 Century. The Agenda should include objectives and principles on the one hand and concrete measures and steps on the other, combining market orientation with governmental regulation and control, R&D with the application of the results, and comprehensiveness with specificity in defining priority cooperative projects, with a view to activating the process of Ecotech in real earnest.
The recent financial instability in Southeast Asia has affected many regions in the world and aroused wide-spread concern from the international community. From the recent and previous financial instability around the world, we may draw some useful lessons.
Normal and safe operation of the financial system is crucial to the overall economic stability and development. To maintain a normal financial order and ward off financial risks, we should not only formulate correct economic development strategies and preserve a rational economic structure, but also improve the financial system through strengthened financial supervision and regulation. Meanwhile, we should maintain an appropriate structure and size for external debt and gradually open the capital market and financial services market in light of our specific conditions.
It is beneficial to all countries to enhance regional and international financial cooperation, maintain normal international financial order, jointly ward off the impact of excessive speculation of hot money in the world and create a favourable financial environment. We adopt a positive attitude towards strengthening financial cooperation in Asia and is ready to participate in discussions on relevant mechanism for cooperation.
Southeast Asia has suffered temporary economic difficulties due to the recent instability in financial market. Nevertheless, we are confidential that this region will further demonstrate its vitality for development and hold out a promising prospect if useful lessons can be drawn and appropriate adjustment made.
４３
Since 1993, China has lowered its tariff on a basis of several times, a drop of about 60% in five year. Beginning from 1 October this year, China's average tariff level is reduced to 17%. The Chinese Government has decided to lower its average tariff on industrial products to10% by 2005. In addition, China has decided to accede to the Information Technology Agreement and started negotiations on relevant issues. We believe that such practical moves on our part will promote the development of economic and technological cooperation as well as trade and investment liberalization in the Asia-Pacific region.
In conclusion, I would like to warmly welcome the convocation of the 9th Informal APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting in Shanghai, China in 2001. We will make full preparations for this meeting.
Thank you.
Enhance Mutually Beneficial Cooperation and Promote Common Development 1998/04/03
Speech by H.E. Premier Zhu Rongji at ASEM II
London, Britain 3 April, 1998
Mr. Chairman,
Today, leaders of 25 countries in Asia and Europe meet here in London for ASEM II. I would like to offer warm congratulations on this, and heartfelt thanks to our host, the British Government, for the thoughtful arrangements it has made for the smooth convocation of the meeting. This meeting is of major importance to summing up the successful experience gained in Asia-Europe cooperation over the past two years, building up a new type of Asia-Europe partnership and envisaging the prospects of Asia-Europe cooperation in the 21st century. It is my hope and belief that with the concerted efforts of all participants, the meeting will produce positive results.
Since ASEM I, members of ASEM have done a great deal of useful work to materialize the consensus reached at ASEM I in Bangkok. Positive changes of strategic significance have taken place in the mutually beneficial cooperation and mutual relations between the two continents of Asia and Europe. Multi-level political consultations and dialogues have increased steadily. Such dialogues are conducted on an equal footing in a spirit of mutual respect and to the benefit of all. The economic, trade, scientific and technological cooperation on the basis of mutual benefit and reciprocity, which has taken flexible and diversified forms and has increasingly broadened its areas and scope, has expanded rapidly. Personnel exchanges through various channels, particularly exchanges of visits and direct contacts between top leaders of Asian and European countries, have increased and mutual understanding and friendship have steadily deepened. The cultural exchanges have become more frequent so that the two great civilizations of Asian and Europe can better learn from and draw upon each other's experience. The two sides have enhanced coordination and cooperation in international affairs in a joint effort to safeguard world peace and promote economic development. Practice has proved that ASEM has already played and will continue to play a positive role in promoting the friendly and mutually beneficial cooperation between Asia and Europe.
４４
We are now at an important cross-century historical juncture. The development trend towards multipolarity has become increasingly manifest, science and technology are advancing by leaps and bounds and the momentum for economic globalization is constantly building up. People all over the world want peace and work for stability, cooperation and development--- this has become the main theme of the times. In conformity with such a historical trend, the friendly cooperation and development of Asia and Europe have already made a sound start. This, however, is not enough and much remains for us to jointly work on.
The financial crisis which broke out in some Asian countries last summer and autumn has not only inflicted losses on Asian countries, but has also affected global economy. However, as long as Asian countries draw lessons from it, they can turn a bad thing into a good one, and it won't take them long to achieve economic revitalization. China has done all it can to make due contribution to and sacrifice for overcoming the crisis by providing assistance, undertaking not to devalue the RMB and working to ensure an eight percent economic growth rate this year through increasing domestic demand. We hope that European countries will actively provide various forms of assistance to Asian countries. China supports British Prime Minister Tony Blair's proposal for the establishment of an ASEM trust fund and its ready to participate in it.
In order to further strengthen the mutually beneficial cooperation between Asia and Europe and promote common development, se believe in the need to do the following:
-- To constantly expand exchanges and cooperation in the economic and trade field. Our two sides should persist in giving top priority to our economic cooperation and trade, give play to our respective advantages and open up various cooperation channels. We should not only enhance cooperation among large enterprises but also increase exchanges among medium-sized and small enterprises. We should increase mutual investment and reduce trade barriers so as to bring the bilateral economic cooperation and trade to a new high.
-- To further enhance cooperation in the scientific and technological field. Developed countries should relax their restrictions on technical transfer and provide developing countries with advanced technologies. That would not only help developing countries raise their scientific and technological level but also serve the interests of developed countries themselves. I would like to suggest that an "Asia-Europe Science and Technology Minister's Meeting" be held at an appropriate time ASEM members to exchange views on issues of mutual interest and work out specific measures for the development of such cooperation. China stands ready to host the proposed meeting.
-- To work for closer international cooperation in the financial sector. The financial crisis that has taken place in some Asian countries shows that to take precautions against financial risks is no longer a matter of any one country alone, but rather it is our shared responsibility and in our common interests. Countries in Asia and Europe should, in the interest of long-term development, strengthen mutual coordination and support, conduct closer cooperation between their financial ４５
supervisory and regulatory departments and actively participate in financial support programs sponsored by international financial institutions in a joint effort to guard against and resist financial risks.
-- To step up political dialogue and consultation. Differences should be handled properly in a spirit of respecting each other, seeking common ground while putting aside differences and making steady progress. We should cherish and develop the existing sound atmosphere for a momentum of dialogue, replace confrontation with dialogue and conflict with cooperation, and strive to seek and expand the converging points of common interests.
In short, setting our eyes on the future, we must establish and develop a new type of cross-century partnership so as to contribute to peace and development in Asia and Europe and in the world at large.
Over the past two decades, China's reform, opening up and modernization drive initiated by Deng Xiaoping have scored tremendous success. Thanks to the deepened reform and strengthened macro-control in the past few years in particular, our economy has exhibited a good posture of "high growth and low inflation". The just concluded first session of the 9th National People's Congress has produced a new state leadership and a new government. Under the leadership of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party with Jiang Zemin at the core, we will continue to unswervingly press ahead with the reform and opening up and bring the cause of building socialism with Chinese characteristics into the 21st century in all aspects. This year, China will ensure a continued rapid economic growth and stable prices and exchange rate of the potential of the domestic market. We will vigorously expand import and export trade and improve the level of foreign capital utilization. We will introduce more drastic reform measures, accelerate the pace of establishing a socialist market economic structure and promote a healthy development of the national economy. The reform and development in China will offer new opportunities for China to develop its friendly relations and cooperation with other Asian and European countries.
Let us work together to open up a new chapter of mutually beneficial cooperation and common development between Asia and Europe.
President Jiang's Speech Marking the First Anniversary of Hong Kong's Return 1998/07/01
It is my great pleasure to come here and attend the ceremony in celebration of the first anniversary of Hong Kong's return to the motherland. I have brought with me warm congratulations and best wishes of the Central Government and people of all ethnic groups in our country to the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, our compatriots and people from all walks of life in Hong Kong.
On this very day a year ago, I solemnly announced here the resumption by the Chinese Government of the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong and the official establishment of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China. This was a major event that is forever worth commemorating in ４６
the history of the development of the Chinese nation.
The developments in the year since Hong Kong's return have fully demonstrated that adherence to the policies of "one country, two systems," "Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong" and a high degree of autonomy and strict compliance with the Basic Law of the HKSAR constitute the fundamental guarantee for long-term prosperity and stability in Hong Kong. Practice will continue to prove that the policy of "one country, two systems" will not only help safeguard the interests of people of different social strata in Hong Kong, but also maintain Hong Kong's status as the international financial, trading and shipping center. There is every reason to believe that as long as this correct policy is consistently followed, Hong Kong will be able to create a better future with the support of the mainland. There is also every reason to believe that the successful implementation of the policy of "one country, two systems" will serve as an example for Macao's smooth return to the motherland and for the final settlement of the Taiwan question.
We note with pleasure that the HKSAR Government headed by Mr. Tung Chee Hwa has administered Hong Kong capably and effectively over the past year in vigorously resolving issues relating to the welfare and well-being of Hong Kong residents that are of universal concern in Hong Kong, handling its internal and external affairs steadily and surely and taking up challenges calmly, in particular, in fending off the impact of the Asian financial turbulence. Since the establishment of the SAR Government, the executive, legislative and judicial bodies in Hong Kong have been functioning smoothly with a stable civil servants team. The elections for the first Legislative Council went along smoothly not long ago, which is an important step forward in the democratic process in Hong Kong. All this testified to the wisdom and the capacity of the SAR Government in administering the Hong Kong society and managing complex situations. The Central Government hereby expresses its satisfaction and appreciation for the remarkable achievements that you have made. Facts are a convincing testimony to the sound assertion made by Mr. Deng Xiaoping that "Hong Kong people can administer Hong Kong well."
We are delighted to note further that our Hong Kong compatriots have over the past year carried on their glorious tradition of loving the motherland and loving Hong Kong and under the leadership of the SAR Government fulfilled their sacred rights and responsibilities as masters of the land, resolutely upheld the dignity of their motherland, supported the policy of "one country, two systems" and the Basic Law, and made new contribution to safeguarding democracy and the rule of law and promoting prosperity and stability of Hong Kong. This commendable sense of responsibility and the spirit of acting as a master of the country are found everywhere in Hong Kong and in our compatriots working hard on various fronts, from civil servants working scrupulously to fulfill their duties to business people devoted to the economic growth of Hong Kong. This spirit is an important factor for the success of Hong Kong.
Owing to the Asian financial turbulence, Hong Kong is currently faced with difficulties. In the times of difficulty, it is all the more important for Hong Kong compatriots to build up their sense of responsibility as masters of the country and their ４７
confidence in overcoming difficulties. Officials at all levels of the SAR Government and Hong Kong compatriots of different social strata or in different occupations will be able to do a good job in managing Hong Kong affairs so long as they rally closely together, pool the wisdom and efforts of everyone and unswervingly support the work of the Chief Executive and the SAR Government.
Hong Kong's return marks a major turning point in Hong Kong's history, and everybody in Hong Kong has been subjected to the test of the changing times resulting from this historic turning. It is nothing strange for some people to find themselves unaccustomed to the changes, owing to the views and concepts that they had formed over a long period of time. But they will finally get accustomed to the changes if they have a deep love for the motherland and for Hong Kong, value their status as masters of the country and cherish their dignity of being Chinese.
Some evil elements have recently perpetrated outrageous acts in Hong Kong and Macao causing severe damage to the people's interests and investors' confidence. I am confident that the Hong Kong SAR Government and the Macao authorities have the capability of cracking down on such criminal activities according to law and effectively protect the personal safety of the general public and the business people as well as the safety of their property. We, on our part, will also render strong support and close coordination. We will never sit idle when these evil forces run rampant.
Currently, the situation in the mainland is good. Despite the Asian financial turmoil, we enjoy social and political stability and sustained economic growth. People of all ethnic groups throughout China, holding high the great banner of Deng Xiaoping Theory, are determined to materialize the spirit of the Fifteenth National Party Congress and comprehensively advance the cause of building socialism with Chinese characteristics into the 21st century. The Party Central Committee and the State Council are introducing a series of measures to intensify state-owned enterprise reforms, streamline government institutions, rectify the financial order, readjust the economic structure, expand investment in infrastructure, further tap the domestic market, increase export by all means and continue to maintain a stable RMB. We are confident of obtaining this year's economic development objectives through hard work. China enjoys a surplus in its international balance of payment and will not devalue its currency.
Hong Kong's destiny has always been closely linked to that of the motherland. The reform, opening-up and modernization programs of the mainland have created unprecedented opportunities for and injected vigor and vitality into Hong Kong's economic development.
When the Asian financial turmoil hit Hong Kong, the Central Government went all out in supporting the HKSAR Government in its counter-measures, particularly in its effort to maintain the currency peg and the overall stability in Hong Kong. This was a forceful demonstration that the great motherland is the strong backing for Hong Kong. The correct policies we have adopted with regard to the Asian financial turmoil showed the world once again that China is a major stabilizing force for regional and global peace and development.
The impact of the Asian financial turmoil has not gone away yet and Hong ４８
Kong's economic difficulties will continue for some time. Moreover, it is always better to anticipate greater problems and take early action to address them. The current difficulties will be overcome and there are conditions and capabilities of doing so. We have full confidence in this. Hong Kong enjoys a solid economic foundation with ample fiscal and foreign exchange reserves as well as a sound regime of financial regulation and supervision. Hong Kong has a contingent of high-caliber civil servants and sophisticated businessmen with rich experience in management and in adapting to international market changes. Hong Kong is still one of the universally-recognized most competitive regions. The economic strength and sound development momentum of the mainland can provide Hong Kong's economy with a strong support. The Central Government will continue to vigorously support the SAR Government in its measures to maintain financial and economic stability, the Hong Kong business community in making investment in the mainland and Hong Kong in its efforts to develop the tourist industry, high and new technology industries, infrastructure, entrepot trade and economic and technical exchanges and cooperation with the rest of the international community. We are convinced that Hong Kong will bring its advantages into full play, overcome the temporary difficulties and achieve even greater development.
I sincerely hope that under the leadership of the HKSAR Government headed by Mr. Tung Chee Hwa, Hong Kong civil servants, entrepreneurs and other Hong Kong compatriots will unite as one and, in the face of difficulties, make joint efforts to maintain Hong Kong's prosperity and stability. With the successful advancement of the socialist modernization cause of the motherland, Hong Kong, China's pearl in the lap of the South China Sea, will shine even brighter.
Statement by H.E. Mr. Li Changhe, on the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space in the Plenary Meeting of the Conference on Disarmament 1998/08/13
Mr. President,
The Conference on Disarmament decided to establish an Ad Hoc Committee on FMCT at its plenary on August 11. This is an important achievement for the CD this year. Today I would like to expound on the position of China on another important Agenda item, namely the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space.
Before touching upon that, I would also like to extend, on behalf of the Chinese Delegation, congratulations to the Brazilian delegation on Brazil's accession to the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) and its ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). It is at the first plenary of the current part of this year's session that Ambassador Lafer of Brazil informed the CD of the important events. All of us may still recall that, on May 11, the date when the CD started its second part meeting, the shocking and disturbing nuclear tests in South Asia took place. The two developments constitute a striking difference and a sharp contrast. As an important country in the world, Brazil has taken responsible actions on the question of international nuclear non-proliferation and moved a major step towards the right direction. It will produce a positive impact on strengthening the international ４９
nuclear non-proliferation regime and is conducive to peace and security both at regional and global levels, and therefore has won high opinion and appreciation from the international community. It is our hope that countries that are not yet States Parties to NPT should emulate the example set by Brazil and accede to NPT at an early date. We also call upon those countries that have not signed CTBT to do so as soon as possible. In doing so, they will make their due contributions to strengthening nuclear non-proliferation and promoting nuclear disarmament.
OUTER SPACE
Mr. President,
The Resolution 52/37 adopted by UN General Assembly last year calls upon the Conference on Disarmament to reestablish an Ad Hoc Committee on outer space and recognizes that "negotiations for the conclusion of an international agreement or agreements to prevent an arms race in outer space remain a priority task" so that outer space should be explored and exploited by all countries solely for peaceful purposes and for the benefit of humanity. This demonstrates the great importance attached to the issue of prevention of an arms race in outer space by the international community. China fully subscribes to this UN Resolution.
However, there seems to be a view that there does not exist an arms race in outer space at present and therefore, "the prevention of an arms race in outer space" should not be a priority for the CD. The Chinese Delegation cannot agree with this opinion. The fact is that the series of activities of all-out developing and testing of outer space weapons or weapon systems in recent years have already given rise to concerns in many countries around the world. Prevention of an arms race in outer space has become an actual and urgent task for the international community.
We may still recall that during the 1980s the "Strategic Defense Initiative" (SDI) once left the whole world perplexed with the looming prospect of an outer space laden with weapons. The end of the Cold War has not led to the real demise of the "Star Wars?(SDI). Many of the technologies developed for SDI have been switched to some other outer space weapon programs. The Theater Missile Defense system (TMD) which is currently under research and development by some country continues to utilize some of the "Star Wars" concepts and military technologies. For instance, with the technology for space-based Lightweight Exo-atmospheric Projectile developed in the Cold War, the interceptor of Navy Area Wide Defense system is capable of intercepting ballistic missiles in outer space at the altitude of 500 Km. The Theater High Altitude Area Defense system (THAAD), which derives from the SDI intercepting system against strategic ballistic missiles, can intercept ballistic missiles not only within the atmosphere but also in outer space. The Space-Based Infrared System satellite, which can provide tracking and guiding assistance for interceptors, is also under research and development. In addition, the research of "the space-based laser weapon" has been intensified. This weapon system is capable of not only intercepting ballistic missiles, but also attacking satellites. Last October, some country conducted the first test of using high-energy chemical laser to attack satellites, which gave rise to world-wide concern. People are becoming more and more worried about the possible emergence and actual deployment of various kinds of outer space weapon ５０
systems, including anti-missile laser weapon and ASAT weapons in the near future.
Those weapon systems under research may differ in forms: some are deployed entirely in outer space or target at objects in outer space, and some rely on space to provide target information for ground weapon systems. However, they all serve one purpose, that is, to seek absolute strategic superiority and absolute security for one or a few countries. The consequence will be turning outer space into a base for weapons and a battle field. This will upset regional and global strategic stability, trigger off new arms race and undermine international peace and security. The international community has shown its grave concern and vigilance over this prospect.
While the existing international legal instruments concerning outer space, such as Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, Including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, prohibit the deployment of weapons of mass destruction in outer space, they do not ban in a comprehensive way the testing, deployment and use of any other kind of weapons or weapon systems, thus inadequate in preventing an arms race in outer space. Some treaties which once played a role, such as the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM), have been seriously weakened through so-called understanding or re-interpretation, thereby leaving the door open for some country to develop and even deploy highly sophisticated TMD systems which intercept missiles in outer space.
Against such backdrop, it has become indeed an actual and urgent issue to prevent an arms race in outer space. The international community must take resolute action to prevent such arms race from becoming a reality. It is precisely for this reason that the 52nd UNGA adopted Resolution 52/37 recognizing that "negotiations for the conclusion of an international agreement or agreements to prevent an arms race in outer space remain a priority task". For years, many countries, including a large majority of the CD members, have been actively advocating for the CD to conduct negotiations on the prevention of an arms race in outer space.
Mr. President,
Since 1982 when the item "Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space" was first put on its Agenda, the CD had set up relevant Ad Hoc Committee for ten years in succession. Although for various reasons, the Committee was unable to commence the work of formulating international legal instruments banning the testing, deployment and use of weapon and preventing an arms race in outer space, wide-range discussions and consultations were held on questions related to relevant definitions, guidelines, existing treaties, and confidence-building measures. With these efforts, valuable experience has been accumulated and the groundwork been lain for further work.
At the turn of the century, with the rapid development of space technology, concerted efforts of the whole international community are called for both to ensure the peaceful use of outer space and to free it from a new arms race. In this regard, many countries put forward some thoughtful views and proposals during the Ad Hoc Committee's ten-year work. Some delegations also listed and analyzed existing treaties, agreements, and other international legal instruments relating to outer space. All these efforts have enhanced mutual understanding among delegations and made it possible to formulate an international agreement on the prevention of an arms race in ５１
outer space through negotiations. The Chinese Delegation expresses its appreciation to those delegations that had made positive contributions to the work on this item. The Chinese Delegation stands ready to participate in a constructive manner in deliberations on any proposals and views in this regard.
As early as 1985, China submitted to the first Ad Hoc Committee its position paper on the issue of prevention of an arms race in outer space(CD/579). In that paper, China clearly pointed out that outer space is the common heritage of mankind, that the exploration and use of outer space should serve to promote the economic, scientific and cultural development of all countries and benefit humanity and that China opposes arms race of any kind in outer space.
China is of the view that, at present, when addressing this item, the CD should take into full account the fact that the development, research and possible deployment of some weapon system including the TMD will introduce the weapon systems into outer space, thus immediate action should be taken to prevent weaponization of outer space and to ban the test, deployment and use of any weapon systems in outer space and prohibit the utilization of outer space for striking ground targets. Countries with the most advanced space capabilities should undertake special responsibilities in ensuring the exclusive peaceful uses of outer space and commit themselves not to test, deploy or use any weapon system and its components in outer space pending the conclusion of a multilateral agreement on the prevention of an arms race in outer space,.
The Chinese Delegation would suggest and encourage the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research to conduct research work on the development, testing and possible deployment of outer space weapons. Meanwhile, we also welcome experts from the CD member states to brief the Conference on the current situation in this regard.
The Special Coordinator of this item, Ambassador Palihakkara of Sri Lanka, stated in his progress report that "it was also generally understood that while there continues to be no objection in principle to the re-establishment of an Ad Hoc Committee, further consultations would be needed as to when that decision can be taken" It is our hope that all the CD members will demonstrate necessary political will and flexibility, so as to enable the relevant consultations bear early and positive results, and the CD could begin its substantive work on the effective prevention of an arms race in outer space as early as possible and live up to the high expectation of the international community .
I thank you, Mr. President.
China Report to Amended Protocol on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Mines, Booby-Traps and Other Devices 1998/11/04
Preamble
The Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China ratified on 29 August 1998 the Amended Protocol on Prohibitions or Restrictions on The Use of Mines, Booby-Traps and other Devices(Amended Protocol II, hereinafter referred to as 'the Protocol'), annexed to the Convention on ５２
Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects. President Jiang Zemin signed the instrument of ratification of the Protocol on 12 October 1998. Ambassador Qin Huasun, Permanent Representative of the People's Republic of China to the UN, deposited the instrument of ratification to Mr. Koffi Annan, Secretary-General of the UN, on 4 November 1998.
China has always attached great importance to accidental injury to civilians caused by mines. It supports proper and rational restrictions placed on the use and transfer of mines by the Protocol. At the same time, China holds that in addressing the problem of mines, especially that of anti-personnel landmines(APLs), due regard should be given to both humanitarian concerns and the legitimate self-defense needs of sovereign countries. All countries are entitled to safeguard the security of their nation, territory and people by legitimate military means, including the use of APLs, according to the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. As a developing country with long land borders, China has to reserve the right to use APLs for self-defense on its own territory pending an alternative to replace APLs and the presence of security and defense capability.
I. Dissemination of Information on the Protocol
1. Dissemination of Information to the Civilians
The Chinese media has produced special programs to disseminate information nationwide on the historical background, main content, significance and features of the Protocol. Such programs also exemplify the achievements scored by China in mine clearance and rehabilitation in border areas, and introduce the principled position of the Chinese Government on the issue of APLs. High-ranking officials from the Government and the People's Liberation Army (PLA) have granted special interviews to the media on a number of occasions to give wide publicity to the significance of the Protocol.
2. Dissemination of Information to the Armed Forces
The PLA has got a manual compiled on the Protocol to inform the Chinese armed forces of its content and effect on future use of mines in combat operations, to help them correctly understand the Government's principled position on APLs and to ensure strict compliance with the Protocol. The main contents of the manual include: the origin of the Protocol, the Chinese Government's position on the issue of APLs, explanations of certain concepts in the Protocol and its restrictions on the use of mines. This manual will be issued to all the units of the armed forces in December 1999.
II. Demining in Border Areas and Rehabilitation Efforts
1. Clearance of Mines and Minefields in Border Areas
China is not a country seriously affected by mines. Towards the end of the 1970s, the two parties in the China-Vietnam border conflicts left a large amount of mines and other explosive devices in an area of about 300 square kilometers along the borders of China's Yunnan Province and Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region. This strip, altogether 0.003% of the entire Chinese territory, is the only area affected by mines in China over the years.
The Chinese Government is of the view that the clearance of the APLs left over ５３
from the border conflicts is part and parcel of the overall efforts to eliminate the APLs threat to civilians. To this end, the Chinese Government has consistently taken a responsible attitude toward the issue of post-war mine clearance and has done a great deal of fruitful work in this regard. From the beginning of 1992 to the end of 1994 and from November 1997 to August 1999, the PLA launched two large-scale demining operations in the border areas of Yunnan Province and Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region. Through mechanical demining, blasting demining, and manual detection and destruction, the demining troops overcame numerous difficulties such as complex terrain of jungle and mountain, dense vegetation, changeable weather and prolonged deployment of mines. Altogether over 2.2 million mines and explosive devices of various kinds were removed, more than 700 tons of disused or deactivated ammunitions and explosive devices were destroyed, and an area of over 300 square kilometers were cleared.
2. Post-Demining Rehabilitation
The two large-scale demining operations have not only created a safe and peaceful environment for the productive activities and daily life of border inhabitants, but also provided favorable conditions for the resumption and development of border trade as well as the promotion of friendly exchanges between the Chinese and Vietnamese people and hence safeguarded the well-being of the border inhabitants.
Through these operations, the PLA has in the main cleared all mine blocks in the border areas and re-opened more than 290 border trade passes and ports, thus boosting a dramatic growth in border trade. In 1993 and 1994, the border trade volumes of Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region amounted to RMB 2.6 billion and 2.64 billion yuan respectively; while in 1998, the trade volume reached 3.4 billion. The border trade volumes of Yunnan Province with Vietnam in 1993 and 1994 were RMB 638 million yuan and 520 million yuan respectively; while in 1998, it amounted to 1.279 billion. According to incomplete statistics, an average of more than 5 million persons and 1.3 million persons crossed the China-Vietnam border passes in Guangxi and Yunnan respectively each year since 1995.
The two large-scale operations have also contributed to the restoration of 60,000 hectares of farmland, pasture and mountain forests, most of which have already been developed to grow crops or economic plants like fir, star anise and Chinese cinnamon. This has given a great impetus to the development of border areas and to better lives of the local people. It has also helped maintain and improve local ecological environment. Statistics show that, the financial revenues of 7 border counties (cities) in Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region increased from RMB 28.5 million yuan in 1993 to 71.59 million in 1998, that the average net income of border inhabitants went up from 673 yuan to 1,869.9 and that the population living in poverty decreased from 800,000 to 120,000. In Yunnan Province, the financial revenues of 6 counties bordering Vietnam increased from 63.12 million yuan in 1993 to 135.97 million in 1998, and the number of people living in poverty came down by more than 310,000.
III. Measures and Steps Taken to Meet Technical Requirements of the Protocol
1. The Chinese Government attaches great importance to the implementation of the Protocol. Following the ratification of the Protocol by the Standing Committee of ５４
the National People's Congress on 29 August 1998, the competent departments of China began to work out programs in light of the national conditions in accordance with the provisions and requirements of the Protocol so as to transform and dispose of all the APLs that are not in conformity with the Protocol. They are expected to be transformed or disposed of within the time limits set out in the Protocol. Prior to this, China has already conducted certain preliminary research and verification and has achieved positive results regarding the detectability, self-destruction and self-deactivation of APLs as well as possible alternatives.
2. In recent years, China has destroyed over 1.7 million old-type APLs of GLD 110, GLD 120, GLD130 and GLD150, etc..
IV Legislation Related to the Protocol
On 14 March 1997, the Eighth National People's Congress at its Fifth Plenary Session adopted the Defense Law of the People's Republic of China. Article 67 of the law provides that in its military relations with foreign countries, the People's Republic of China complies with treaties and agreements it has concluded with foreign countries as well as those that it has acceded to or accepted.
On 14 March 1997, the Eighth National People's Congress at its Fifth Plenary Session amended the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China, which entered into force on 1 October 1997. Article 436 of the law provides that any serviceman who violates the regulations on the use of weapons and equipment, if the circumstances are serious and an accident leading to serious injury or death of another person occurs due to his neglect of duty, or if there are other serious consequences, shall be sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment or criminal detention.
During the next phase of implementation of the Protocol, China will, in accordance with its relevant provisions and requirements and in light of the actual progress of the implementation, amend over 20 editions of teaching materials and operational manuals on APLs, and then proceed to standardize the use of mines during the training and combat operation on the basis of these materials and manuals. In case of armed conflicts, anyone violating the war-time code of conduct on the use of APLs will be held legally responsible in compliance with the above-mentioned provisions.
V. International cooperation on mine clearance
The Chinese Government has made its utmost efforts to assist countries seriously affected by mines. Since 1998, in order to carry out the relevant obligations of demining cooperation and assistance under the Protocol, the Chinese Government has done a series of work in international demining assistance.
1. Assistance in money or kind to mine-affected countries
In November 1998, the Chinese Government donated US$ 100,000 to the UN Voluntary Trust Fund for Mine Clearance Assistance, earmarked for mine clearance operations in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
In 1998, the Chinese Government decided to contribute to the UN Voluntary Trust Fund for Mine Clearance Assistance some equipment for mine detection and clearance (including GTL115 mine detector, GBP123 single-person rocket-blasting kit, GBP114 demining demolition cartridge-case and single-person mine exclusion shelter equipment), earmarked for mine clearance operations by 2001 in Cambodia, Angola, ５５
Mozambique, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Rwanda and Namibia.
2. Sponsoring international mine clearance training courses
In 1998, the Chinese Government decided to co-sponsor, with the UN Mine Action Service of the Department of Peace-keeping Operations, two international mine clearance training courses in China in 1999 and 2000 respectively. The PLA sends experts to provide technical training to 50 trainees from 8 mine-affected countries, using the demining equipment to be donated by China. The trainees are servicemen engaged in mine-clearance operations of the training-recipient countries. Each training course lasts 20 days. The courses focus on structure principles of mines, features of mines in use, mine detection and clearance techniques and their application as well as organizational and command skills in mine clearance operations. The first training course was held in Nanjing from 11 to 30 October 1999. Trainees from Cambodia, Namibia and Bosnia-Herzegovina attended the training course. Through training, the trainees have learnt the structures and fuse principles of typical mines in the world, grasped the use of the mine detection and clearance equipment to be donated by China, and improved their organizational and command skills in post-conflict mine clearance operations. The second course will be held from 16 May to 4 June 2000. Trainees from Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Rwanda will attend the training course.
VI. Other relevant work
1. Strict control over mine transfers
The Chinese Government has always taken a very prudent and responsible attitude toward mine export. As early as April 1996 and before the entry into force of the Protocol, the Chinese Government solemnly announced a moratorium on export of APLs that are not in conformity with the provisions of the Protocol. So far China has never transferred any such APLs.
2.Seal and mark the reserved minefields
A few of the minefields on the Sino-Vietnamese border are located near water sources or in primeval forests. In order to protect the natural resources and prevent civilian injuries from mines, the Chinese Government has decided to take measures to mark and seal such areas. The PLA, together with the local governments, and in light of different natural and geographical conditions of the minefields, has adopted many methods to effectively seal or mark the minefields. In water source areas where human and livestock activities are relatively frequent, sealing walls and marking signs are built to prevent access by human or livestock; in areas where human or livestock occasionally appear, ridges or ditches are built and marking signs are also established; in areas where there are natural ditches or cliffs, marking signs are established. So there are four methods of sealing and marking, namely, wall-sign sealing, ditch-sign sealing, ridge-sign sealing and sign sealing. The management system of these facilities around the minefields has also been instituted and improved. Notification is announced through the media to ensure that everyone is aware of it and enable the general public to conscientiously observe the stipulations of the sealing marks around the minefields and thus ensure their safety. These measures have greatly reduced or eliminated the threat to local civilians brought by these minefields.
５６
As to other border minefields on the Chinese territory established out of defense needs, China has taken similar marking measures to ensure that the related military deployment will not result in accidental civilian injuries.
Speech by President Jiang Zemin at the Sixth APEC Informal Leadership Meeting 1998/11/18
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
18 November 1998
Datuk Seri Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad, Prime Minister of Malaysia,
Fellow Colleagues,
It is a real pleasure for me to meet you again, my colleagues, in this beautiful city of Kuala Lumpur. I wish to thank our host the Malaysian Government for its thoughtful arrangement. I would also like to take this opportunity to warmly welcome our three colleagues from Russia, Peru and Viet Nam, who have joined us at the meeting for the first time.
At the Vancouver meeting last year, the financial crisis in some Asian countries aroused wide concerns among APEC members. Now a year has passed but its ramification is still spreading out, not only bringing serious economic difficulties to some countries and regions in Asia, but also affecting the world economy as a whole.
This crisis has occurred against the international background of accelerated economic globalization, and it has given the world people important revelations.
Economic globalization has become a trend as a result of the economic, scientific and technological development in the present-day world. It has brought to countries in the world not only development opportunities, but also serious challenges and risks. It has also presented to countries, developing ones in particular, a new subject to tackle, that is how to ensure the economic security of a country.
The trend of economic globalization requires active participation by all countries in international economic cooperation. However, countries should expand their opening-up programme in the light of their national conditions and in a step by step manner while paying attention to increasing their capabilities of preventing and withstanding risks.
The trend of economic globalization has made the economies of countries more and more interdependent and interactive. Once a financial crisis breaks out in certain countries or regions, not only developing countries will suffer immensely from it, but developed ones will also find it hard to stay out of it. A globalized economy calls for global cooperation. All members of the international community should work together to maintain a steady development of the world economy in a spirit of sharing responsibilities and risks.
The trend of economic globalization is emerging and developing in a context where there is no fundamental change in the inequitable and irrational old international economic order, which will inevitably widen the gap between the poor and the rich countries. The ultimate solution to this problem is to work for the establishment of a fair and reasonable new international economic order in the interest of the common development of all countries.
５７
At the moment, the international community has a common concern about how to curb the ramification of the financial crisis at an early date and prevent a worldwide economic recession. In order to promote steady development of the international financial sector and the establishment of a new international financial order, I would like to put forward three proposals:
I. To strengthen international cooperation, prevent the spread of the crisis and create a favourable external environment for the economic recovery and growth of the crisis-stricken countries and regions. The developed countries should adopt a responsible attitude to stimulate economic growth, boost domestic demand and expand import by means of fiscal and monetary policies, and refrain from resorting to trade protectionism. At the same time, they should increase financial assistance to the crisis-stricken countries and make proper arrangements to reduce their debt burdens in an effort to help them stabilize the finances and recover the economy. In this way, they will not only help these countries tide over the difficulties, but also serve their own interests.
II. To restructure and improve the international financial system and ensure a safe and orderly operation of the international financial market. Those big powers with influence in international finances are duty-bound to take effective measures to improve the supervision and regulation of the flow of the international financial capital, contain over speculation of the international hot money, and enhance the capability for the forecast and prevention of financial risks and for their relief. It is essential to deliberate the establishment of a new international financial order which conforms to the interests of all sides, through dialogue and consultation between developed and developing countries in compliance with the principle of equality and mutual benefit and on the basis of extensive participation by the international community. I agree that the APEC Finance Ministers' Meeting should study the questions related to the restructuring of the international financial system and put forward relevant proposals.
III. To respect the independent choices made by any countries or regions on overcoming the crisis. The crisis stricken and affected countries and regions differ in the level of economic development and historical tradition, and also in the cause and impact of the crisis. Therefore, there is no, and can not be, a fixed model or a single remedy for them all to tide over the crisis and revitalize the economy. Instead, they should be given support in taking measures in the light of their own situation. The international community and organizations should respect the right of a country to make decisions on its own, and help it lift itself out of the difficulties as soon as possible through consultation on an equal footing. Developing countries, the crisis stricken or affected countries and regions in particular, should make necessary readjustment of their economic structure and policies in the light of their own conditions, properly handle the prominent problems in their economic development, and increase economic dynamism by taking full advantage of the favourable conditions, both internal and external.
The financial crisis has also brought negative effect and great pressure on the economic development in China. The Chinese Government has assumed a highly ５８
responsible attitude. China has provided assistance to the relevant countries within the framework of the IMF arrangements and through bilateral channels. Proceeding from the overall interests of maintaining sustained economic growth and international economic development, China has made the decision of not devaluating the RMB, for which China has paid a high price. Having won a battle against the catastrophic floods this summer, we are now going ahead with more in-depth reforms, adopting active fiscal policies, increasing input for infrastructural construction, and boosting domestic demand in an effort to achieve this year's objective of economic and social development.
APEC, as the most important international economic organization in this region, must adapt to the new situation, persist in narrowing the gap and realizing the objective of common prosperity through economic cooperation and make timely readjustment of the priority areas for cooperation so as to better meet the needs of the developing members, who make up the majority of the membership. At present, it is more important than ever to stick to the APEC Approach characterized mainly by respect for diversity, voluntarism and consensus. APEC should make its own contribution to increased regional stability and prosperity by adhering to this approach.
Promoting economic and technical cooperation (Ecotech) among its members is a major task of APEC and a primary way to common development. In the world of today, science and technology are progressing with each passing day, and the knowledge economy is unfolding. To redouble the efforts to develop high and new technology and speed up the economic restructuring are the only way to promote a long-term and steady development of the economies of APEC members. We are glad to see the formulation by APEC of the APEC Agenda for Science and Technology Industry Cooperation into the 21st Century and Skills Development Action Plan this year under the chairmanship of Malaysia the host country. They represent a major step by APEC members towards enhanced Ecotech. China attaches importance to and supports the implementation of these two important documents. As an expression of this, the Chinese Government has set aside US$ 10 million to establish the China APEC Science and Technology Industry Cooperation Fund for the purpose of financing cooperation between China and other APEC members in the field of science and technology industry, and has put forward a series of proposals on cooperation projects. China has also set up a China APEC Enterprises Assembly to promote enterprise participation in APEC activities.
Promoting trade and investment liberalization is another important task of APEC. Thanks to the concerted efforts of all members, positive progress has been made and will continue to be made in this area. In the current circumstances, it is important to pursue an active and prudent policy, and its members should be allowed to make efforts towards the realization of the goal-trade and investment liberalization-at a pace and in a mode suitable to their own conditions and in accordance with the two timetables on the basis of voluntarism, flexibility and pragmatism.
The current difficulties facing some Asia-Pacific countries and regions are temporary ones. I believe that there is huge economic vitality and development ５９
potentiality in the Asia-Pacific region. So long as we work together to increase cooperation and surmount difficulties, the economic and social development in this region will have a broad and bright prospect.
Statement by Mr. Sha Zukang, at the Seventh Annual Carnegie International Non-Proliferation Conference （11-12 January 1999, Washington） 1999/01/12
"Some Thoughts on Non-Proliferation" Statement by Mr. Sha Zukang, at the Seventh Annual Carnegie International Non-Proliferation Conference on Repairing the Regime
It is a pleasure and an honor for me to have this opportunity to exchange views on issues related to the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) with so many high governmental officials and distinguished scholars.
The good momentum of the international non-proliferation efforts maintained since the end of the Cold War was severely interrupted by the Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests last May. How to repair and consolidate the damaged international non-proliferation regime is a pressing task facing us today. Whether we can cope with it effectively will have far-reaching impacts on the future development of the international situation. I'd like to share with you some of my thoughts on this issue from the nuclear, biological, chemical and missile perspectives.
Ⅰ.The NUCLEAR non-proliferation regime was the hardest hit by the Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests. It is of vital importance that further proliferation of nuclear weapons be prevented.
To this end, first and foremost, we must exert all our efforts to stop and reverse the nuclear development programs of India and Pakistan. The Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests have presented the international community with both a challenge and an opportunity. In a sense, these events have become a litmus test to the effectiveness of the international non-proliferation regime. If the international community could take effective measures to stop or even reverse the two countries' nuclear development programs, the authority and vitality of the international nuclear non-proliferation regime will be immeasurably enhanced. To achieve this, two things are important. First, the international community should have sufficient patience and perseverance, and should not lose hope because of the lack of progress in the short run. Second, the international community, especially the major powers, must have a consensus view and take concerted actions on this matter. A robust international non-proliferation regime is in the interests of all countries. If any country seeks to exploit the South Asian situation to obtain unilateral short-term political, economic or strategic benefits at the expense of the other countries and the international solidarity, and in total disregard of the serious consequences the South Asian nuclear testing has had on the international non-proliferation regime, it can only further undermine the already badly damaged international non-proliferation regime, and in the end, the long-term interests of that country will also be jeopardized. It is a direct violation of the U.N. Security Council Resolution 1172 to negotiate, or even to discuss, with India on ６０
India's so-called minimum nuclear deterrence capability. It is also unhelpful to publicly support India's permanent membership in the U.N. Security Council soon after its nuclear tests. It is obvious that these actions will not help in repairing the damage caused by the South Asian nuclear tests to the international nuclear non-proliferation regime.
Secondly, the international nuclear non-proliferation regime should be replenished. At present, this include three main aspects. First is the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT). All states concerned should sign and ratify the treaty as soon as possible, as that the Treaty can enter into force at an early date. China is accelerating its preparatory work and will submit the Treaty to the People's Congress for ratification in the first part of this year, with the hope that the ratification procedures can be completed before September. Second is the Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT). Negotiation should start as soon as possible. All states should make the necessary efforts and demonstrate the necessary political will to conclude a good treaty at an early date, which guarantees the adherence of all states capable of producing nuclear materials. The third aspect is to strengthen nuclear export controls. China joined the Zangger Committee in October, 1997 and has promulgated the regulations on Nuclear Exports Control and on the Export Control of Nuclear Dual-Use Items and Related Technologies. Due to historical reasons, China has not joined the NSG so far, but we support its non-proliferation objectives and has actually incorporated both its control lists, in their entirety, into China's own national regulations. In this connection, we have noted with concern that after the Indian nuclear tests, some NSG members have taken a more pro-active stand on issues of nuclear cooperation with India. We hope that these countries could be more cautious in this area.
Thirdly, the nuclear disarmament process should be accelerated. The fundamental solution to nuclear proliferation lies with complete nuclear disarmament. We do not believe there exits a cause and effect relationship between the present lack of progress in nuclear disarmament and the Indian nuclear testing, as claimed by the Indian government. But, at the same time, we fully recognize that an accelerated pace of nuclear disarmament will certainly be conducive to consolidating the international non-proliferation regime. The United States and the Russian Federation are duty-bound to take the lead in nuclear disarmament. We hope that START II could be effective and implemented, and the negotiation on START III initiated, as soon as possible. On such basis, the two countries should further reduced their nuclear arsenals so as to prepare the ground for other nuclear weapon states to join in the process.
Last but not least, the role of nuclear weapons should be further diminished. The nuclear deterrence policy based on the first-use of nuclear weapons highlights the discriminatory nature of the existing nuclear non-proliferation regime, which does not help to strengthen the international nuclear non-proliferation regime or to dissipate the misconception of countries like India that the possession of nuclear weapons is the short-cut to the status of a world power. We are pleased to note that Germany and Canada have advocated that NATO should abandon its policy of first use of nuclear ６１
weapons. We hope that positive results could come out of the on-going debates within NATO on this matter.
II. Compared to the nuclear non-proliferation regime, the international regime against the proliferation of chemical and biological weapons, which is based on the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) and the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC), is more justified and less discriminatory, but it's by no means problem-free.
With respect to chemical weapons, the relationship between CWC and the Australia Group is a thorny issue. CWC, a treaty which was concluded after extended multilateral negotiations, and has as many as 121 states parties, contains in it clear provisions on the export of sensitive chemicals, accompanied with long schedules. We do not deny the right of any country to stipulate stricter export controls than that required by CWC, and establish small groups for that purpose. However, the existence of the Australia Group has resulted in discrepancies in the legal provisions of different countries, which has created a de facto split legal system within the CWC states parties. This inevitably causes confusion and affects the normal international trade of chemicals. This problem is compounded by the seemingly irresistible inclination of certain countries to impose their own standards or even their own domestic legislation onto other countries, thus giving rise to unnecessary international disputes. All this has seriously undermined the authority of the CWC. To rectify this situation, there are only two ways as so far as I can see, namely, to dissolve the Australia Group or to amend the CWC to bring it in line with the requirements of the Australia Group. Any way, there must be a single standard rather than two.
The faithful implementation of the existing international treaties is the prerequisite for the strengthening of the non-proliferation regime. CWC has been in force for almost two years, but certain country has still not submitted its complete declarations, as required by the Convention, and has even passed their own national legislation which openly contravenes the provisions of the Convention. Such a practice of putting one's national legislation above the international law and refusing to fulfill one's obligations under an international treaty cannot but cause concern.
With respect to biological weapons, the negotiation on a protocol aimed at strengthening the BWC has entered its final stage. The establishment of any verification system should be guided by the principles of fairness, appropriateness and effectiveness. Otherwise, verification weakens rather than strengthens the non-proliferation regime. In this connection, there are many lessons to be drawn from the weapons inspections in Iraq. We must have a realistic estimate of the role of verification. The purpose of verification is to deter potential violators from violating its obligations. At the same time, we should be realistic enough to see that no verification regime, however perfect or complete, could provide 100% guarantee that no violations could happen. Therefore, verification measures should be appropriate and feasible. If they are too intrusive and affect the legitimate security or economic interest of the states parties, or too costly and impossible to sustain in a long run, they will not be able to get wide-spread support, and in the end the universality of the treaties will be undermined ,which, in turn, will be detrimental to the strengthening of the non-proliferation regime.
６２
III. Devoid of any legal basis in international law, missile non-proliferation is the most under-developed part of the entire international non-proliferation regime. As the founders of the Missile and Technology Control Regime (MTCR) admitted, MTCR is just a time-winning device. Its purpose is to delay missile proliferation rather than provide a comprehensive solution to this problem. Even this limited role was somehow diminished by the regime's lack of objective criteria, and the double standard applied by certain MTCR members in implementing requirements of the regime. Recent developments have shown that the risk of missile proliferation is increasing. It is time for the international community to take a collective look at the missile proliferation issue, including MTCR, and explore better ways to combat this danger.
One cannot discuss missile proliferation without mentioning Theater Missile Defense (TMD). We are deeply concerned about certain countries' efforts to develop advanced TMD or even NMD, for the following reasons:
First, the development of advanced TMD or even NMD will have negative impacts on the regional or even global strategic stability. Like nuclear weapons, missiles can proliferate both horizontally and vertically. If a country, in addition to its offensive power, seeks to develop advanced TMD or even NMD, in a attempt to attain absolute security and unilateral strategic advantage for itself, other countries will be forced to develop more advanced offensive missiles. This will give rise to a new round of arms race, and will be in nobody's interest. To avoid such a situation, it is extremely important to maintain and strengthen the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM). During the Cold War, ABM was one of the cornerstones of the strategic stability between the United States and the former Soviet Union, which made it possible for the two countries to make deep cuts into their respective nuclear arsenals. After the Cold War, with the world moving rapidly towards multi-polarity, the significance of ABM Treaty has increased rather than decreased. Some scholars have put forward the idea of making the ABM Treaty a multilateral treaty. I think this is an idea worthy of our serious consideration.
Secondly, transferring TMD systems to other countries or region, or jointly developing them with other countries, will inevitably result in the proliferation of missile technology. Missile and anti-missile technologies are related. Many of the technologies used in anti-missile systems are easily applicable in offensive missiles. This is one of the main reasons why China stands against the cooperation between the United States and Japan to develop TMD and opposes any transfer of TMD systems to Taiwan. We hope that the U.S. government could take a more cautious and responsible attitude on this matter. China's opposition to U.S. transfers of TMD to Taiwan is also based on another major concern, namely, its adverse impact on China's reunification. TMD in Taiwan will give the pro-independence forces in Taiwan a false sense of security, which may incite them to reckless moves. This can only lead to instability across the Taiwan Strait or even in the entire North-East Asian region.
These are my views on some non-proliferation issues. In conclusion, I wish to emphasize that the proliferation problem cannot be solved without taking the large international environment into consideration. It is important that a fair and just new ６３
world order be established, whereby all states treat each other with equality. The big and powerful should not bully the small and the weak. And all disputes should be solved peacefully, without resort to the use or threat of force. This is the most effective way to remove the fundamental motivations of countries for the acquisition of weapons of mass destruction, thus the best approach to non-proliferation.
Statement by H.E. Mr. Li Changhe, in the Plenary Meeting of the Conference on Disarmament （11 February 1999, Geneva） 1999/02/11
Mr. President,
The Chinese delegation would like to congratulate you on your assumption of the Presidency of the CD at the beginning of its 1999 session, and express our appreciation for your efforts to facilitate an early start of the substantive work in the CD this year. Our appreciation also goes to your predecessor, Ambassador Soutar of the United Kingdom, for his contribution to the work of the CD in 1998. May I also take this opportunity to extend a warm welcome to our new colleagues, Ambassadors of Colombia, Argentina, Slovakia, Sweden, Israel and Indonesia.
Today I would like to make a few comments on CD's program of work in 1999. The importance of the work of the CD, the single multilateral disarmament negotiating forum, has been underscored by the international community. In 1998, with the efforts of all parties, the CD finally ended its stalemate. It began substantive work on various items on its agenda and achieved some progress. We hope, building upon the achievements of the past year, all parties can further demonstrate flexibility with a view to working out at an early date the program of work for the current session of the CD and embarking on substantive work. In formulating such a program, the CD should take into account the current international situation, especially the latest developments in the field of disarmament, focusing on issues which have a direct bearing on world peace and security. At the same time, we believe that such a program should reflect and accommodate the aspirations and concerns of all parties.
Nuclear Disarmament
Mr. President,
Cessation of the nuclear arms race and nuclear disarmament? is the first item on CD's agenda and the top priority for the international community. China fully understands and endorses the proposals to establish in the CD appropriate working mechanisms, including an Ad Hoc Committee, to address the issue of nuclear disarmament. There are still different views regarding such mechanisms at the current stage. The Chinese delegation supports a joint effort by all parties to find, on the basis of a full exchange of views, a commonly acceptable solution and establish appropriate mechanism to work on the issue of nuclear disarmament.
The Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty
Mr. President,
China maintains that a treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices will be conducive to the prevention of nuclear proliferation and promotion of nuclear disarmament. Last year, the UN General Assembly unanimously adopted the resolution on FMCT. The ６４
Chinese delegation supports the re-establishment of an Ad Hoc Committee to negotiate, on the basis of the mandate contained in the Shannon Report, a non-discriminatory, multilateral and internationally and effectively verifiable treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices, as requested by the UNGA Resolution 48/75L.
Negative Security Assurances
Mr. President,
China has always maintained that the great number of non-nuclear-weapon states are entirely reasonable and justified in demanding security assurances under which the nuclear-weapon states undertake not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against them. The post-Cold-War international situation should have provided new opportunities and possibilities for resolving the issue of NSA. The nuclear-weapon states should adopt a more positive attitude towards this issue, rather than moving in the opposite direction by expanding their nuclear deterrence strategy. The Chinese delegation supports the re-establishment of the
Ad Hoc Committee to continue its substantive work on the basis of its work last year, with a view to concluding an international legal instrument on NSA.
Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space
Mr. President,
The 53rd session of the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 53/76 by an overwhelming majority, inviting again the CD to re-establish the Ad Hoc Committee on the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space and recognizing CD's primary role in the negotiation of a multilateral agreement or agreements on the prevention of an arms race in outer space. 165 countries voted for the resolution and not a single country objected. This demonstrates the common aspiration and demand of the international community to prevent an arms race in outer space.
Last year, I made a statement on the same subject in the CD plenary, in which I mentioned a series of disturbing developments, indicating that prevention of an arms race in outer space has already become a present and pressing issue facing the international community. Recently, some new developments have again raised grave concerns. Here I am referring to the recent announcement of the programs to develop the National Missile Defense (NMD) and Theater Missile Defense (TMD) systems and the intention to amend and even withdraw from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty(ABM). The Cold War ended 10 years ago and the international relations should move towards greater relaxation. Against such background, the above decisions run counter to the trend of the times. They are detrimental to the international efforts in arms control and disarmament and may even trigger a new round of arms race and will have widespread and profound negative impact on the global and regional strategic balances in the next century. As is known to all, some of the above mentioned missile defense systems are to be deployed entirely in outer space or target at objects in outer space and some will rely on space to provide target information and guidance for ground weapon systems.
The ultimate consequence will be turning outer space into a new battlefield and a base for weapon systems. Moreover, it should be pointed out that, if any country ６５
insists on amending or even abolishing the ABM, thus having a free hand in developing and deploying such missile defense systems, it will certainly upset the global strategic balance and will have serious negative impact on nuclear disarmament process. This cannot but raise grave concerns from the international community and makes prevention of an arms race in outer space more relevant and more urgent. As the single multilateral disarmament negotiating forum, the CD should live up to its obligations and responsibilities to address this important issue before it is too late. We once again urge an Ad Hoc Committee be established as soon as possible to negotiate legal instruments to prevent an arms race in outer space.
Last year, the Special Coordinator on this issue, Ambassador Palihakkara of Sri Lanka, pointed out in his progress report that there was no objection in principle to the re-establishment of an Ad Hoc Committee. We hope that all CD members will demonstrate necessary political will and flexibility in order to re-establish the Ad Hoc Committee as early as possible to begin negotiations on the effective prevention of an arms race in outer space.
Other Agenda Items
Mr. President,
The Chinese Government has always attached great importance to the humanitarian concerns caused by landmines and is in favor of appropriate, reasonable and feasible restrictions on landmines, anti-personnel landmines in particular. In this connection, the Chinese Government has deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations its instrument of ratification of the Amended Protocol II to the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW) on November 4, 1998.
The Chinese Government also attaches great importance to mine clearance and has supported and actively participated in international demining activities. China has contributed to the international fund for mine clearance and assisted relevant countries and international organizations by providing training as well as relevant technologies and equipment. The Chinese Delegation agrees to appointing a special coordinator on the issue of anti-personnel landmines to build upon the work of last year.
We are now close to a decision on the expansion of CD membership. The Chinese delegation hopes that further efforts will be made to find a satisfactory solution in this regard.
The Chinese delegation also agrees with the re-appointment of the special coordinators to further explore ways to address expansion of CD membership, improved and efficient functioning of the CD and review of its agenda.
Thank you, Mr. President.
Jiang Zemin's speech at the Conference on Disarmament (26 March 1999, Geneva) 1999/03/26
"Promote Disarmament Process and Safeguard World Security" Address at the Conference on Disarmament by Jiang Zemin, President of the People's Republic of China
Mr. President,
Mr. Secretary-General,
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Ambassadors,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The Conference on Disarmament, located along the Lac Lemon in Geneva, is the single multilateral disarmament negotiating body in the world today, and as such, it plays an indispensable role in safeguarding world peace and security. What you are doing is an arduous but lofty work.
Looking back on the 20th century, we see a century of unprecedented wars and calamities and of the tenacious struggle by people of all countries to achieve and safeguard world peace. The two world wars and the Cold War, which lasted for more than four decades, inflicted untold sufferings and pain on mankind and also left behind profound lessons.
Since the end of the Cold War, major and profound changes have taken place in the international situation. The world is moving deeper towards multi-polarity and economic globalization, which is, on the whole, conducive to the relaxation of international situation and world peace and development.
The turn of the century affords us a good opportunity to sum up historical experience and lessons and shape a lasting peace for the future. An overview of the current global reality reveals that the Cold War mentality still lingers on and hegemonism and power politics manifest themselves from time to time. The tendency towards closer military alliance is on the rise. New forms of "gunboat policy" are rampant. Regional conflicts have cropped up one after another. When air strikes and armed intervention were launched against Kosovo and other parts of Yugoslavia two days ago. I promptly expressed my deep concern and worry, and called for an immediate cessation of military strikes, so as to bring the Kosovo issue back to the track of political settlement. I hereby solemnly reiterate that the military actions against Kosovo and other parts of Yugoslavia violate the norms governing international relations and are detrimental to the peace of Balkan region, the international community, therefore, should make joint efforts to defuse the crisis as soon as possible.
On the issue of arms reductions, I have to point out that with regret that Military powers have not cut down their state-of-the-art weaponry, not even a single piece. Furthermore, they are still developing it. International efforts against nuclear proliferation are faced with severe challenges. Under these circumstances, the question of how to advance the disarmament process and safeguard global security cannot but become an important and pressing task that demands attention of all countries in the world.
History tells us that the old security concept based on military alliances and build-up of armaments will not help ensure global security, still less will it lead to a lasting world peace. This then requires the cultivation of a new security concept that meets the need of the times and calls for vigorous efforts to explore new ways to safeguard peace and security.
We believe that the core of such a new concept of security should be mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality and cooperation. The five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each ６７
other's internal affairs, equality, mutual benefit and peaceful co-existence and other universally recognized norms governing international relations make up the political foundation underpinning world peace. Mutually beneficial cooperation and common prosperity constitutes the economic guarantee for world peace. Dialogues, consultations and negotiations by parties concerned on an equal footing are the correct approach to resolving disputes and safeguarding peace. The establishment of a new concept of security and a new just and fair international order is the only way to fundamentally promote a healthy development of the disarmament process and provide the guarantee for international peace and security.
The aim of disarmament is to increase security. And that must be universal security for all countries to enjoy. All countries, regardless of their size, strength and wealth, should have an equal right to security. If the great majority of developing countries cannot have security, there will never be tranquillity in the entire world. Disarmament should not become a tool for stronger nations to control weaker ones, still less should it be an instrument for a handful of countries to optimize their armament in order to seek unilateral security superiority. To reduce the armament of others while keeping one's own intact, to reduce the obsolete while developing the state-of-the-art, or even to sacrifice the security of others for one's own security and to require other countries to scrupulously abide by treaties while giving oneself the freedom of action by placing domestic laws above international law, all these are acts of double standards. They are a mockery of international disarmament efforts and run counter to the fundamental purposes and objectives of disarmament.
Historical experience shows that unrestrained arms build-up will surely hamper economic growth and will not help maintain peace and security. Disarmament should also serve to free up more resources and create better conditions for the economic development of all countries, developing countries in particular. One of the criteria to judge a disarmament treaty is to see whether it facilitates economic growth of various countries, especially that of developing countries, and whether it helps to strengthen international cooperation in science and technology. No disarmament measure will be able to garner universal support or have lasting viability if it is taken at the expense of the economic or scientific development of most countries.
Disarmament is not the prerogative of the few. All countries have the right to participate therein on an equal footing. Multilateral disarmament treaties are the results of negotiation through universal participation and therefore reflect the common will of the international community. Some export control regimes by a small group of countries can in no way compare with these international treaties either in impartiality or in universality. To maintain bloc arrangements after conclusion of multilateral treaties and even place the former above the latter will only lead to the weakening of the authority and universality of multilateral treaties and subsequently affect the healthy development of the international cause of disarmament. Therefore, vigorous efforts should be made to strengthen the role of disarmament bodies of the United Nations so that multilateral treaties may gradually replace bloc arrangements.
Mr. President,
Over the past 50 years and more, hanging like a Damocles sword above mankind, ６８
nuclear weapons have never ceased threatening the survival of humanity. The end of the Cold War has not brought about the disappearance of nuclear weapons. The nuclear reduction process by the U.S. and Russia has bogged down in stalemate after a brief period of progress. Nuclear weapon tests were again conducted even after the conclusion of CTBT. These developments have demonstrated clearly that today and for a long time to come, nuclear non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament remain an important task for the international community. To accomplish this task calls for joint unremitting efforts by the international community. We believe that at this stage, efforts should be made to achieve progress particularly in the following areas:
I. As countries possessing the largest nuclear arsenals in the world, the U.S. and Russia shoulder greater responsibilities for nuclear disarmament. The two countries should effectively implement the nuclear reduction treaties they have concluded and on that basis continue to substantially cut down their respective nuclear arsenals, thereby paving the way for the other nuclear-weapon states to participate in the multilateral nuclear disarmament process.
II. The NPT is both the basis of the international nuclear non-proliferation regime and the prerequisite for progress in the nuclear disarmament process. The NPT must be observed in full and in good faith. Otherwise, international efforts for nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation would be seriously harmed. Those countries which have not yet joined the NPT should do so at the earliest possible date so as to make the treaty truly universal.
The prevention of nuclear weapons proliferation and the complete and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons are mutually complementary. The complete elimination of nuclear weapons is the objective that we are all striving for, while the prevention of nuclear weapons proliferation is an effective means and a necessary stage to that end. It was in line with this understanding that China supported the indefinite extension of the NPT. However, the indefinite extension of the NPT has by no means given nuclear-weapon states the prerogative to permanently retain their nuclear weapons. On the contrary, nuclear-weapon states should faithfully fulfill their nuclear disarmament obligations so as to promote, with concrete action, an early realization of complete nuclear disarmament.
III. Nuclear-weapon states should, as soon as possible, undertake unconditionally and in a legally-binding manner not to be the first to use nuclear weapons or use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon states. On the first day when China came into possession of nuclear weapons, it openly announced that it would never be the first to use nuclear weapons at any time and under any circumstances. It has also pledged in an unequivocal manner thereafter that it will not use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon states. Since the non-nuclear-weapon states have explicitly forgone the development of nuclear weapons, it goes without saying that they should be free from the threat of nuclear weapons. Now that the Cold War has ended and the relations between nuclear-weapon states have improved, the conditions are ripe for them to commit themselves to mutual no-first-use of nuclear weapons. China is ready to actively push for the early conclusion of an international legal instrument on this issue.
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IV. Efforts should be made for early entry into force of the CTBT according to the CTBT provisions. The recent nuclear tests have made the early entry into force of the treaty a more pressing task. As one of the first countries to have signed the treaty, China will continue to work for the early entry into force of the treaty. The Chinese Government will soon officially submit the treaty to the National People's Congress for ratification.
V. Negotiations should be conducted as soon as possible for the conclusion of a universal and verifiable Fissile Materials Cut-off Treaty. Once concluded, the FMCT will be yet another major achievement after the CTBT in the promotion of nuclear disarmament and prevention of nuclear proliferation. All of you present here are making intensive efforts to this end and I wish you success.
VI. On the basis of the above efforts, a convention on the comprehensive ban of nuclear weapons should be negotiated. In view of the fact that the two types of weapons of mass destruction of biological and chemical weapons have been comprehensively prohibited, there is no reason why nuclear weapons which are of greater destructive force should not be comprehensively banned and thoroughly destroyed. What it takes to reach this objective is no more than a strong political will.
To eliminate nuclear weapons and root out the dangers of nuclear war is the common wish of the people throughout the world. It is also an objective that the Chinese Government and people have been unswervingly striving for. Let us all work together for the ultimate realization of a nuclear-weapon-free world.
Progress in nuclear disarmament cannot be achieved without a global strategic equilibrium and stability. The research, development, deployment and proliferation of sophisticated anti-missile systems and the revision of, or even withdrawal from, the existing disarmament treaties on which global strategic equilibrium hinges will inevitably exert an extensive negative impact on international security and stability and trigger off a new round of arms race in new areas, thereby seriously obstructing or neutralizing international efforts of nuclear disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation. The international community should pay close attention to this and adopt necessary measures to preempt such dangerous developments.
The Chinese nation is a peace-loving nation. The tapestry of the Hall of Prayer for Harvest in the Temple of Heaven in Beijing, which is on display in the Palais des Nations as a gift from China to the United Nations, gives expression to the wish of the Chinese people for good weather, bumper harvests, national stability and happiness of all peoples throughout the world. To work for peace, stability, cooperation and development is the common proposition of all the peace-loving countries and peoples, and the planet we are living on should become a home where people can live together in amity and peace and can enjoy their life and work. We should never forget the bitter lessons of the two world wars and never waver in our efforts for world peace and security.
As a famous Tang dynasty poet Li Bai had written: "A time will come to ride the wind and cleave the waves, I will set my cloud-white sail and cross the sea which raves." I am confident that with the common efforts of the world's people, a genuine will of all statesmen of all countries and the hard work of all of you, the disarmament ７０
cause will surely overcome one obstacle after another and achieve continuous progress and the world will have a better future.
Thank you.
Asia and Europe Work Together to Create a Better Future 1999/03/29 Speech by H.E. Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan at the Second ASEM Foreign Ministers' Meeting Berlin, Germany 29 March, 1999
Mr. Chairman,
It is a great pleasure to meet with you and other colleagues from ASEM members in Berlin. Please allow me to express my heartfelt thanks to the host country Germany for its thoughtful arrangements. I am sure, Mr. Chairman, with you chairing our meeting and with the concerted efforts of all the members concerned, this meeting will certainly be crowned with success.
The central task of this ASEM Foreign Ministers' Meeting, which coincides with the turn of the century, is to make preparations for the 3rd ASEM Summit Meeting to be held in this year 2000. It needs no saying that this meeting is of great significance, as it serves as a link between past and present.
It was announced at the Bangkok ASEM Summit Meeting three years ago that a new Asia-Europe partnership oriented toward the 21st century would be established, ushering in a new era in the relations between Asia and Europe. The successful convocation of the London ASEM Summit Meeting last year has contributed further to the development of an equal partnership between Asia and Europe. Over the past three years, ASEM members have conducted cooperation of various forms in a wide range of fields on the basis of mutual respect, equality and mutual benefit. Their cooperation in economic and trade areas has developed rapidly and the two major Action Plans for trade and investment are being implemented. Political dialogue, proceeding in a step-by-step manner, has shown a good momentum. The cultural, intellectual and people-to-people exchanges between Asia and Europe have increased and their mutual understanding has deepened. New proposals for cooperation have been initiated one after another. These facts prove that to observe the principle of seeking common ground while putting aside differences politically and deepen cooperation economically serve the interests of the people in the two continents and conform to their aspirations.
Asia and Europe, as cradles of ancient civilization, have both made immeasurable contribution to the progress of human civilization and advancement of science and culture. Both of them are vital forces in the multipolar world and important players in economic globalization. Despite the fact that they are at different levels of economic development, the two continents have a great potential for cooperation thanks to their complementarity. Enhancing exchanges, deepening cooperation between them and drawing upon each other's strong points will help promote their common development and prosperity and contribute to world peace and stability as well.
The Asian financial crisis that erupted a year and a half ago has seriously affected the economic and social development of a number of Asian countries. It has aroused universal concern among ASEM members, which have reached quite a few ７１
common grounds on how to strengthen cooperation and head off the financial crisis. The ASEM Trust Fund established at ASEM II has already been launched, which testifies to the resolve of the two continents to tide over the financial crisis in their joint efforts. China firmly supports the establishment of the Fund. I wish to take this opportunity to announce the Chinese Government's decision to donate US$500,OOO to the Fund. We are pleased to note that the economic and financial situation of some Asian countries that have been affected by the financial crisis has moved towards stabilization recently, their international balance of payments has turned for the better, their foreign reserves increased somewhat, their interest rates fallen a little and their exchange rates have also moved towards stabilization. We appreciate the vigorous efforts made by Asian countries in eliminating the effect of the crisis and recovering economic development. We have full confidence in the prospect of Asia's economy.
The successful launch of the Euro at the beginning of this year attracted worldwide attention. We believe that the birth of the Euro will help advance the process of European integration and establish a more balanced international financial and monetary system. It is our hope that, with the introduction of the Euro, European countries will reduce trade barriers, make vigorous efforts to open their market to Asia and increase investment in Asia so as to further develop the bilateral economic and trade relations between Europe and Asia. In addition, we hope our European partners will continue to share their experience in financial supervision and regulation and monetary cooperation and provide practical and effective technical assistance to Asian countries. By providing such assistance, our European partners will not only help Asian countries tide over the difficulties and re-embark on the road towards economic development at an early date, but also greatly help themselves in their own development.
Asia-Europe cooperation has just started. There is still a long way ahead. I wish to share with you my views on how to push this cooperation onto a new stage at the turn of the century.
I. Equal attention should be given to all major areas while priority to the most important one. ASEM Leaders have set forth three major tasks for Asia-Europe cooperation -- political dialogue, economic cooperation and social and cultural exchanges. It has become important agreement of all members that economic cooperation forms the basis for the new Asia-Europe partnership. In today's world, opportunities and challenges exist side by side with science and technology advancing rapidly and knowledge economy developing by leaps and bounds. In the coming century, economic growth and scientific and technological advances will no doubt be the key factors and driving force for the development of all countries in Asia and Europe. In this area, there is a great potential for Asia and Europe to deepen cooperation, and such cooperation will achieve more and quick results. Therefore, we should give priority to economic cooperation at the present stage, and enrich economic, trade and scientific and technological cooperation so as to further fortify this basis of the new partnership - economic cooperation.
2. The principles for Asia-Europe cooperation set forth at the two ASEM Summit Meetings should be observed. These important principles include mutual respect, ７２
equality and mutual benefit, seeking common ground while putting aside differences, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, evolutionary development and decision by consensus. We are pleased to find that, thanks to the concerted efforts of all ASEM members, there have emerged in ASEM a sound momentum for economic cooperation and a good atmosphere for political dialogue. This is something we should deeply cherish. ' So long as we continue to follow these principles, Asia-Europe cooperation will surely enjoy more dynamism and an enormous prospect.
3. Asia and Europe should join hands in promoting the reform of the international financial architecture. The outbreak and spread of the Asian financial crisis have plunged Asian countries into severe economic difficulties and exerted an adverse impact on the global economy. We should not fail to see that the financial crisis has reflected not only the challenges posed by the trend towards economic globalization, but also the defects of the current international financial system. To reform the old international financial system, to strengthen the supervision and control of the short-term liquid capital in particular, is a pressing task facing the fiscal and financial sector in Asia and Europe and in the world as a whole. China has already initiated some principles and proposals on the relevant international forums. It is our hope that Asian and European countries will, through the existing channels such as the ASEM Finance Ministers' Meeting, work together to restructure the international financial system and come up with workable proposals that conform to the interests of all parties. This will give a great impetus to the ASEM process.
4. We should strengthen our coordination in ASEM follow-up activities. There exist a wide range of activities in ASEM. To ensure that its follow-up activities proceed in an orderly manner, it is necessary to further strengthen the role of the Foreign Ministers' Meeting and the Senior Officials' Meeting in providing policy guidance and making overall coordination. The agreement on the criteria of ASEM follow-up activities reached at last year's ASEM SOM is helpful to standardizing ASEM activities and should serve as the yardstick for identifying its future follow-up activities.
China attaches importance to and supports the ASEM process and has actively participated in all the ASEM follow-up activities. The ASEM Ministers' Conference for Science and Technology will be held in Beijing in October this year. Before that, Beijing will also host the fifth ASEF Board Governors' Meeting, the ASEF Cultural Industries and Cultural Development Conference and the 2nd ASEF Summer School. The Chinese Government wishes to host the 3rd ASEM Foreign Ministers' Meeting in 2001. China will, as always, continue to make its contribution to closer Asia-Europe cooperation.
The policy of reform and opening-up that we have implemented in the past 20 years and more has brought about tremendous changes to China's economy. From 1979 to 1997, China's GDP grew at an average annual rate of 9.8%. Weathering through the impact of the Asian financial crisis and conquering the devastating floods at home in 1998, China withstood the severe test and achieved steady economic growth. Its ODP grew by 7.8%, the retail price index of commodities was minus ７３
O.8% and its Renminbi Yuan exchange rate remained stable. This year, China will focus on the following' three areas in its economic work. They are: first, to stabilize and reinvigorate agriculture; second, to deepen the reform of state-owned enterprises; and third, to enhance the financial management. The Chinese Government will continue to work for progress in reform and opening up, maintain a healthy development of the national economy and achieve all-round social progress so as to lay a good foundation for the sustained and rapid development of China's economy and make its contribution to a stable economy in Asia and the world as a whole.
Looking back to the past and forward into the future, we are full of confidence. The 25 ASEM member states together have a population of 2. l billion people, which is 38% of the world total, and their combined GDP makes up half of the world total. To promote the common development and prosperity of the two continents is a glorious mission history has put on our shoulders. Let us seize the opportunity and redouble our efforts to meet the challenges and march together towards the new century.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman
Chinese-Russian Press Communique on Consultations on Issues pertaining to the ABM Treaty (Moscow, 14 April 1999) 1999/04/14
According to the agreement reached between Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China and the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation on 25 February 1999, Mr. Wang Guangya, Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China and Mr. G. E. Mamedov, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation held consultations on the question of strategic stability in Moscow on 14 April 1999. Military and diplomatic experts from both sides participated in the consultations.
The Chinese and Russian sides focused their discussion on the recent developments concerning the ABM Treaty. According to the understanding enshrined in the Joint Statement entitled "Chinese-Russian Relations at the Turn of the 21st Century" the two sides maintain that to preserve and strengthen the ABM Treaty is of critical importance, and that the ABM Treaty was and remains the cornerstone for maintaining global strategic stability. Such a mutual understanding constitutes the basis of the two sides in their discussion of this question.
The Chinese and Russian sides express grave concern over the serious threat undermining the ABM Treaty, currently emerged as a result of the announcement by the US of its ballistic missile defense programs. To implement such programs constitutes a violation of the basic obligations provided for in the ABM Treaty, i.e. not to deploy ABM systems for a defense of the territory of its territory and not to provide a base for such a defense.
The two sides maintain that to undermine or violate ABM Treaty will result in a series of negative consequences. It will give rise to new contributing factors at global and regional levels to a destabilized international situation. It will provide for resumption of arms race, and place additional obstacles to disarmament process.
The two sides also maintain that, under the current situation, it is imperative that ７４
the international community be enabled to realize fully the consequences flowing from any attempt to undermine the ABM Treaty.
The PRC, though not a party to the ABM Treaty, expresses its support to Russia's endeavor in preventing any attempt to undermine or circumvent the ABM Treaty based on its consistent interest in maintaining strategic stability and international security. Russia, for its part, vigorously supports China in its efforts to enhance international and regional stability. The two sides are of the view that to implement programs aimed deploying missile systems by a number of countries in the Asia and Pacific region may aggravate the tension in the hot spots of conflict in the region, to which they express their concern.
The Chinese and Russian sides state their readiness to continue their consultations and cooperation on the question of preserving the ABM Treaty and related issues in the light of emerging developments.
Statement by Mr. Sha Zukang at 2nd China-US Conference on Arms Control, Disarmament and Non-proliferation
1999/04/28
"Can BMD Really Enhance Security?" Statement by Mr. Sha Zukang, at 2nd China-US Conference on Arms Control, Disarmament and Non-proliferation (28 April 1999, Monterey )
It's my great pleasure to come to this beautiful city of Montery to attend the 2nd China-US Conference on Arms Control, Disarmament and Non-proliferation. Following the successful visit to the United States by Premier Zhu Rongji, this conference will facilitate more profound and extensive exchanges between our two countries in the field of arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation. These are issues with direct bearing on international peace and security.
Missile defense is currently an important and sensitive topic in the field of international arms control. Frank and open discussions at this conference will provide us with greater insight into the issue. It is my hope that our discussions here will also be instrumental to our governments in the shaping of our respective policies in this area. Now, allow me to share with you some of my personal views on this issue.
I. The US development of National Missile Defense (NMD) systems does not contribute to global stability, nor will it serve the interests of the US itself.
The reduction of strategic weapons requires a relative balance of power among major countries and the resulting global strategic stability. If such a prerequisite is lost, the process of reducing strategic weapons will come to a halt or even reverse. During the Cold War, the ABM treaty was a crucial cornerstone in maintaining balance and stability. It played a pivotal role in reining in the nuclear arms race between the US and Soviet Union. After the Cold War, the treaty provided a necessary security framework for the US and Russia to reduce their nuclear arsenals and to advance the process of multilateral nuclear disarmament.
However, this important treaty is in peril today. A reading into the official US announcement on its NMD shows, the program obviously violates the ABM treaty at least in three aspects. (I) Article I of the treaty clearly prohibits the deployment of ABM systems for a defense of the territory of each Party as well as the provision of a ７５
base for such a defense. NMD, as indicated by its name, is intended for a nation-wide BMD system for the defense of the entire US territory. (II) According to Article III of the treaty, after it was amended by the 1974 Protocol, each Party shall be limited at any one time to a single area for deployment of ABM systems. However, according to the report by Secretary Cohen of the US Defense Department, the United States is planning to deploy two systems, one in North Dakota and another in Alaska. (III) Article V of the treaty forbids the development, testing and deployment of ABM systems or their components which are sea-based, air-based, space-based, or mobile land-based. However, the US development of NMD will certainly involve the deployment of space-based sensor systems.
Of course, what the ABM treaty established is a so-called "balance of terror." Which can only provide relative security to countries. This might not satisfy some Americans in pursuit of absolute security. Nonetheless, "balance of terror" is better than no balance at all. Between two devils, we have to opt for the less evil. And this is the best possible choice we can have until the elimination of nuclear weapons. Disrupting such a balance will only lead to greater insecurity for all countries, including the United States. In today's world, no one can attain hegemony and absolute security, either single-handedly, or with the help of a few allies. The United States will not be an exception, though it is the only remaining super power.
For years, the US Government has viewed arms control and non-proliferation as an important means to protect its national interests. But arms control and disarmament requires the joint efforts by countries concerned. In this regard, the United States particularly needs the cooperation of other countries. The NMD program, however, is designed to gain unilateral strategic superiority by building US security on the insecurity of others. This will undoubtedly undercut the basis for its cooperation with relevant countries. How can you expect progress in arms control and non-proliferation field while you yourself are developing NMD at full-steam? It's just wishful thinking.
Now, Russia has already made a strong reaction to the US development of NMD and linked START II with the ABM treaty. The ratification of START II by Russia has been delayed again and again. The START III is even more remote. NMD might ward off several "Nodong" and "Daepudong" missiles, but as a result, thousands of Russian strategic nuclear weapons will remain intact in its arsenals. Is it wise for the US to set its mind on this prospect? I doubt.
Those NMD advocates have, on many occasions, also tried to peddle the idea of targeting NMD against China. They argued, limited NMD might not be good enough to neutralize the Russia's colossal nuclear arsenal. But it might be very effective to thwart the potential threat posed by the limited nuclear capability of China. After the Cold War, these people are suffering from a feeling of disorientation. Depicting China as an enemy perhaps might make them fell better. Recently, the US Congress has adopted a resolution, requiring annual report from the US Defense Department on China's military capabilities. This reminds us of the US-Soviet confrontation in the Cold War. It is only logical for China to oppose US development of NMD.
After the US had conducted enough nuclear tests and produced more than sufficient fissile materials, it prompted the conclusion of the CTBT and is now ７６
lobbying hard for the FMCT negotiations. The rationale is clear: It's high time to cap other countries' nuclear capabilities in both qualitative and quantitative terms so as to maintain the superiority of its own nuclear arsenal. At the same time, in disregard of the strong opposition from others, the US is obstinately pursuing its NMD program and refuses to abandon its nuclear deterrence policy based on the first-use of nuclear weapons. The US practice of grabbing spear on one hand while holding shield on the other cannot but cause the legitimate concerns of other countries. What is mine is mine, what is yours is negotiable. Such attitude is totally unacceptable to others. China is not in a position to conduct arms race with the United States and it does not intend to do so, particularly in the field of missile defense. However, China will not sit idly by and watch its strategic interests being jeopardized without taking necessary countermeasures. China will be forced to take some steps which it is reluctant to take. It is quite possible for China to review its policies on various arms control, disarmament and nonproliferation issues, including the FMCT negotiations. Moreover, years of sound coordination and cooperation between the two countries in relevant fields will certainly be severely affected. I firmly believe that any policies aimed at harming others will end up hurting oneself.
II. US-Japan joint development of TMD will make the security situation in Asia-Pacific unpredictable.
US-Japan joint development of TMD does not contribute to peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region. China is firmly against such program.
First of all, advanced TMD is technically intertwined with NMD. US-Japan joint research of advanced TMD will provide technical and financial support to US NMD program. Once it is deployed in North-East Asia, this region will become the forefront of the US NMD system. China certainly opposes this.
Secondly, US-Japan cooperation on TMD will bring substantive changes to the nature of their military alliance: 1. The one-way provision of protection by US to Japan will turn into two-way mutual assistance between the two countries. 2. The bilateral military arrangement will become regional arrangement. This will upgrade the integrated capabilities of offense and defense of the US-Japan military alliance to a level higher than that in the Cold War. Against the backdrop of NATO enlargement, its new strategy and frequent use or threat of use of force, countries in North-East Asia, including China and Russia, are surely concerned about the steps taken by the US and Japan to upgrade their military alliance.
Thirdly, US-Japan cooperation on TMD could become a stepping stone for Japan's return to the track of militarism. In light of its military spending level, armament and technological capabilities, Japan is already a de facto military power. TMD might become the finishing touches for Japan's military industry to move towards perfection. Recently, some politicians in Japan again and again called for changes of Japan's military strategy from "exclusive defense" to "preemptive strategy" in order to "contain aggression". This reminds people of Japan's "preemptive activities" in 1931, 1937 and 1941, which cannot but alert many countries in Asia, including China. Some Americans advocate for arming Japan to check China. Let me take this opportunity to advise those friends not to play with fire. It is extremely risky ７７
and does not necessarily benefit the United States. There is no need to recall in great detail the lessons from World War II. Just look at some examples around us. Some people in the US believe that it is a good way to contain China by appeasing India. The result is nuclear and missile proliferation in South Asia. Please be aware, India's economic and technologic capabilities are far below those of Japan. If the US adopts the same policy of connivance towards Japan, the jeopardy will not be limited to Asian countries alone. The US itself might also suffer ultimately.
Fourthly, US-Japan cooperation on TMD will exacerbate the tensions in the Korean Peninsular. The Korean nuclear and missile issues can only be resolved through political dialogues. Military maneuver, missile test and TMD deployment can only aggravate differences, instead of helping to resolve them. This is in the interests of no one, except those who want to seek self-interests through causing greater troubles.
Both China and the United States are major powers in the Asia-Pacific region and share common responsibilities in safeguarding security and stability in North-East Asia. We hope the US will be prudent in selecting Japan for the joint development of TMD.
III. It will be the most unwise decision for the United States to include Taiwan in its TMD system. It will meet China's strongest opposition.
Taiwan's participation in TMD has become a hot topic recently. I agree with the views of some Americans that the Taiwan authorities are using this issue to drive a wedge between China and United States.
Possession of missile defense capabilities by Taiwan may take different forms. China is firmly against any of these. US Transfer of TMD systems to Taiwan, such as PAC-III and Aegis system, will significantly enhance Taiwan's overall capabilities of offense and defense. It will enable Taiwan to directly threaten the air-space security over the Taiwan Straits and China's mainland. This will be very serious proliferation of weapons and missile technologies. If the US further provides missile early warning assistance to Taiwan, it will lead to de facto "para-military alliance" between the US and Taiwan. This will be a grave breach of the obligations the US has undertaken when it established diplomatic relations with China, namely, to abrogate its mutual defense treaty with Taiwan. The result will be evident: more serious troubles in China-US relations. Putting Taiwan under US-Japan or US TMD umbrella will signify a major policy change by US and Japan on Taiwan issue. This is something China will never tolerate. Just imagine the feeling of the US and Japan if China's defense system covers Hawaii or Okinawa. In short, any ambiguity and mishaps on the part of United States and Japan in this regard will definitely produce negative impact on China-US and China-Japanese relations.
The Chinese Government is committed to "peaceful reunification and one country, two systems" . These constitute our fundamental policy on Taiwan issue. On many occasions, Chinese leaders have reiterated that "Chinese people will not fight Chinese people". All these illustrate that we are dedicated to peaceful reunification of the motherland. We reserve our right to use force. But the use of force is not our preferred choice. It is a kind of deterrence to prevent the separatists both in Taiwan ７８
and oversees from taking any willful actions. The inclusion of Taiwan into TMD will not improve the security in the Taiwan Straits. On the contrary, it will only complicate the issue and rendering the security situation more unpredictable-the pro-independence force will be encouraged, thus significantly increasing the possibility of armed conflicts.
Taiwan issue is China's domestic affair and also China's biggest security concern. The United States often cites its own security interests to urge China to cooperate with it in areas such as export control over weapons as well as sensitive items and technologies. The two sides have indeed conducted good cooperation so far. For this, China has paid high political and economic price. China is ready to continue such cooperation on equal and reciprocal basis. The US provisions of TMD and other state-of-art weapons to Taiwan will hamper China's reunification course and hurt the national sentiment. If the United States ignores the three Joint Communiques, the China-US Joint Statement and relevant commitments made by the US Government, or saying one thing while doing something else, China cannot but suspect the real motives of the US! We might have to consider: what's the point to maintain such cooperation with the US!
Some of you might think that I am just bluffing. Then let time and fact speak! Here I would like to strongly urge the United States to clearly undertake not to transfer TMD to Taiwan or provide any assistance to help Taiwan develop its TMD.
Conclusion
In short, China is against NMD as well as TMD, because they will undermine, rather than contribute to, regional and global peace, security and stability. The logic is quite simple. Just suppose, if the Warsaw Pact or Russia is bombing a neighboring country with thousands of cruise missiles while trying to deploy NMD and TMD for itself at the same time, will you welcome it?
It may be appropriate at this point to say a few words about the US led NATO bombing of Yugoslavia. I am concerned that this campaign will lead to the collapse of the international disarmament and WMD non-proliferation regime. The abusive use of force will propel other countries to the conclusion of expanding their armament. It is no news that Russia has suspended its ratification of START-II. Recently, Russia has indicated that it will review its nuclear strategy. Obviously, Russia is left with no other alternative. Ukrainian Parliament has already adopted resolution to terminate its nuclear-weapon-free status. Byelorussia announced that it intends to redeploy its tactic missiles. After their nuclear tests a year ago, India and Pakistan test-fired new types of missiles. It appears that some regional and sub-regional powers are also looking for shortcuts to acquire WMD delivery systems. International legal instruments concerning WMD, whether existing ones, or those in the process of negotiation or pending entry into force, are all faced with severe challenges. These developments are, to some extent, all unintended "byproducts" of US led NATO bombings.
China and the United States are both Permanent Members of the UN Security Council and have important responsibility in safeguarding international peace and security. People all over the world are looking on us to live up to our obligations. ７９
They expect us to act strictly in line with the UN Charter and international norms, refraining from any activities detrimental to peace and security. There are no conflicts of fundamental interests between China and the US. As Premier Zhu said, China is not a potential opponent of the US, still less an enemy. China is a credible partner of the United States. We sincerely hope that, the US will become our credible partner. The Chinese Government and people are dedicated to building a constructive partnership between China and the US oriented towards the 21st-century. I believe that so long as the two countries can join hands, we will bring a more peaceful and prosperous world into the next century. On the contrary, if the two countries go against each other, though, as major powers, we can both survive, the world of the 21st century would witness a different picture.
Thanks for your attention.
Statement by H.E. Mr. Sha Zukang at the the Preparatory Committee (10 May 1999, New York) 1999/05/10
Statement by H.E. Mr. Sha Zukang at the the Preparatory Committee for the 2000 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
Mr. Chairman,
At the outset, as instructed by my government, I would like to read the statement of the government of the People's Republic of China on 8 May 1999. The full text is as follows:
"U.S.-led NATO dropped three missiles from different angles on the embassy of the People's Republic of China in Yugoslavia at midnight Friday.
The building of the embassy was seriously damaged. UP till now, two had been confirmed dead while more than 20 were injured with two others missing.
U.S.-led NATO has been wantonly bombing Yugoslavia for more than 40 days, killing and wounding large numbers of innocent civilians and now it even launched airstrike against the Chinese embassy.
The action is a gross violation of Chinese sovereignty and a random violation of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the norms of international relations. This is rare in diplomatic history.
The Chinese government and people express their utmost indignation and severe condemnation of the barbarian act and lodge the strongest protest. U.S.-led NATO should bear all responsibilities arising therefrom. The Chinese government reserves the right to take further action on the matter."
Mr. Chairman,
Please allow me to congratulate you on behalf of the Chinese delegation on your assumption of the chairmanship of the current PrepCom. As an important member of the Non-Aligned Movement, Colombia has been very active in international affairs. You yourself have accumulated rich experience in the field of international security, arms control and disarmament over the years. I am convinced that, with your wisdom and diplomatic skill, you will guide the meeting to a success, thus paving the way for 2000 NPT Review Conference. I would also like to extend my thanks to the Chairman ８０
of the Second PrepCom, Ambassador Wyzner of Poland.
Mr. Chairman,
The 20th century already witnessed World War I breaking out in the Balkans, unfortunately, it will end up with blood-shedding in the same region. This is not a simple repetition of history. The reasons behind this are worth reflection. The turn of the century affords us a good opportunity to sum up historical experience, and to make joint efforts to build a lasting peace in the 21st century.
At the dawn of the next millennium, the pursuit of peace and development has become a common aspiration of all nations. However, the world is far from being tranquil. Some countries and blocs of countries still cling to the Cold War mentality. Hegemonism and power politics manifest themselves from time to time. The tendency towards closer military alliance is growing. New forms of "gunboat policy"are rampant. Hi-tech weaponry is being used as a tool to pursue hegemonism. A number of countries depict imaginary enemies. They interfere at will in the internal affairs of other sovereign states, enlarge military alliances targeted at others, and develop and deploy sophisticated weapon systems detrimental to strategic security and stability. They even turn the territory of a sovereign state into the testing ground for their advanced weapon3.
Against such a backdrop, since the last Prepcom, the US-Russia nuclear disarmament Process has come to a standstill. The ratification process of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) moved very slowly. Negotiations on a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT) have not yet commenced. Fresh nuclear tests were conducted. The international nuclear non-proliferation regime had been undermined with increasing risk of nuclear weapons proliferation.
Mr. Chairman,
H.E. Mr. Jiang Zemin, President of the People's Republic of China, pointed out at the Conference on Disarmament on March 26 this year that the old security concept, based on military alliances and build-up of armaments, will not help safeguard global security, still less will it lead to a lasting world peace. To promote disarmament process and safeguard international peace and security, we should cultivate a new security concept in line with the need of the times. The core of such concept should be mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality and cooperation. He also pointed out that" Today and for a long time to come, nuclear non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament remains an important task for the international community. To accomplish this task calls for joint unremitting efforts by the international community."
From the historical perspective, the incentives for Nuclear-weapon States to develop and acquire nuclear weapons differ from each other. Some aimed at preserving their nuclear monopoly or seeking nuclear superiority so as to dominate the world. Therefore, they rely on advanced nuclear weapons and stick to the nuclear deterrence policy based on the first use of nuclear weapons. So long as the policy of seeking hegemonism remains unchanged, and attempts are continued to build one's own absolute security upon the insecurity of others, the future of nuclear disarmament will remain gloomy. That is the strategy and policy pursued by US-led NATO, which ８１
not only undermines international peace and security but impairs the efforts towards nuclear disarmament and nuclear nonproliferation. And we firmly oppose such policy.
China was compelled to develop nuclear weapons under specific historical circumstances. For as long as a century, the Chinese nation experienced untold suffering and scourge of war inflicted by foreign aggressors. After the founding of new China, it was still subjected to the threat of war, including the threat of use of nuclear weapons. To survive and develop, China had no other choice. China's very limited nuclear force is never intended to pose a threat to other countries, still less to seek hegemony. Self-defense is our sole purpose, namely, to safeguard our national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to ensure a peaceful life for the Chinese people. Moreover, China developed nuclear weapons with a view to safeguarding world peace, thwarting nuclear blackmail and threat, preventing nuclear war and, ultimately eliminating nuclear weapons.
Given the above historical background, China has always adopted a responsible attitude towards nuclear disarmament. Judging from China's history of developing nuclear weapons and its position on nuclear disarmament, people will find that China has made important contributions to international nuclear disarmament.
1. Since the very first day when China came into possession of nuclear weapons, China has solemnly declared that it would never be the first to use nuclear weapons at any time and under any circumstances. China has also undertaken unconditionally not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapons states or nuclear-weapons-free zones. China is the only Nuclear-Weapon State that has made and abided by such commitments.
2. China has never deployed nuclear weapons on foreign soil, nor has it used or threatened to use nuclear weapons against any other countries.
3.China has shown utmost restraint in the development of nuclear weapons. It has never participated in any arms race. Moreover, China conducted very limited number of nuclear tests and possesses very limited nuclear weapons.
4.China has supported the countries concerned in their efforts to establish nuclear-weapon-free zones on the basis of arrangements freely arrived at among themselves. We have provided unconditional security assurances to the states parties to the treaties of nuclear-weapons-free zones.
5.China has always advocated the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons.
If other Nuclear -Weapon States had adopted the same policy as China does, the situation of nuclear disarmament would have been entirely different today.
Mr. Chairman,
In order to eliminate nuclear weapons and free mankind of the threat of nuclear war, China holds that:
1.The U.S. and Russia undertake special responsibilities for nuclear disarmament. They should continue to drastically cut down their respective nuclear arsenals.
2.NPT must be observed in full and in good faith.
3.Nuclear-Weapon States should, as soon as possible, undertake unconditionally and in a legally-binding manner not to be the first to use nuclear weapons or use ８２
nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon states.
4.Efforts should be made for early entry into force of CTBT in accordance with its provisions.
5.Negotiations should be conducted as soon as possible for the conclusion of a universal and verifiable Fissile Materials Cut-off Treaty.
6. On the basis of the above efforts, a convention banning nuclear weapons should be negotiated.
The above-mentioned proposals have highlighted the task for nuclear disarmament at next stage, i.e. countries possessing the largest nuclear arsenals should continue to substantially reduce their respective nuclear stockpiles. With CTBT already in place, the qualitative improvement and further development of nuclear weapons are freezed. By concluding FMCT, the number of nuclear weapons will be capped. Through NPT, nuclear weapons proliferation should be prevented, and all the objectives set forth in the treaty should be promoted. And with the conclusion of international treaties on no-first-use of nuclear weapons and no use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon states, the use of nuclear weapons should be prohibited. And ultimately, a nuclear-weapon-free world would be realized through a convention banning nuclear weapons.
China supports the Conference on Disarmament to make immediate efforts towards the conclusion of a convention banning nuclear weapons. We should carefully study the various proposals on nuclear disarmament but forward by the vast number of non-nuclear weapon states, including the time-bound nuclear disarmament program put toward by Non-Aligned Movement, those by New-Agenda-Coalition, as well as the report of the Canberra Commission, drawing upon all reasonable proposals contained therein. Fundamentally speaking, to achieve a nuclear-weapon-free world, two principles and one prerequisite should be observed. The two principles are: the global strategic stability should be maintained, and no country's security should be compromised. The prerequisite is the maintenance of an international environment of peace, security, stability and trust favorable for progress in nuclear disarmament.
In this connection, I cannot but refer to a very dangerous tendency: the pursuit of establishment of national missile defense system (NMD) and theater missile defense system (TMD) by a few countries. Clad as victim of possible missile attacks, under the pretext of so-called "legitimate defense", these countries are trying to develop and improve their "shield", in addition to the most advanced "spear" already in their hands. The purpose is to enhance their overall capabilities of offense and defense, thereby seeking strategic superiority in the 21st century. Such acts run counter to the trend of the times and will offset the international efforts in nuclear disarmament. The fact is:
1. The ballistic missile defense program of some country will further hamper the US-Russia nuclear disarmament process already in a stalemate. 2. This program will create new obstacles to the participation in nuclear disarmament process by other Nuclear-Weapon-States. 3. It will disrupt global and regional strategic balance and stability, and possibly trigger off a new round of arms race. 4. More instability will be injected into regions of sensitivity, rendering the situation in these regions even more complicated. 5. Given the inherent capabilities of missiles and missile defense ８３
systems, either joint development of such systems or transfer of related technology and equipment will stimulate proliferation of missile technology, which ultimately will go out of control. 6. The so-called TMD plan is being used directly to interfere grossly in other country's internal affairs, infringe upon other's sovereignty and security, hampering other's reunification course.
Mr. Chairman,
Nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons are complementary to each other, and their progress is closely linked to international peace and security. At this very moment, hegemonism and power politics are seriously jeopardizing certain countries' sovereignty, security and even their very existence. Innocent civilians are under brutal and indiscriminate bombardment by US-led NATO and even diplomatic missions can not be spared. It is hard to imagine that under the above circumstances, discussion on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation at this forum can lead us anywhere. People have every reason to worry that if United States, instead of changing its course, continues to threaten or bully other countries, those countries will be forced to resort to every possible means to protect themselves. That may eventually result in the collapse of existing international regimes on disarmament, including those aiming at preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. If that happens, the bombardment by the US-led NATO is the only thing to blame and it is US and NATO which should be responsible for the proliferation of WMD. Their acts not only undermine international peace and security, violate the international law and norms governing international relations, but also impair international efforts towards nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation.
Mr. Chairman,
At the turn of the century, international efforts towards nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation are at a crossroad. All peace-loving people of the international community must face courageously the challenges posed by the U.S. and NATO. We must strive to establish a just and fair new international political and economic order, firmly oppose and do away with hegemonism, power politics, military aggression and intervention as well as the pursuit of absolute military superiority. Only when the above is achieved, can all countries, big or small, rich or poor, strong or weak, nuclear or non-nuclear feel secure. This will not only eliminate the incentives to acquire, develop or retain nuclear weapons but also provide the necessary basis for achieving nuclear disarmament.
We do hope that 2000 NPT Review Conference will make a meaningful stride towards this direction.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
８４
Proposals for inclusion in the Report of the Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons working paper submitted by China (New York, 10-21 May 1999) 1999/05/21
The Chinese delegation hereby submits the following proposals for inclusion into the recommendation section of the report of the third, session of the Preparatory Committee for the 2000 NPT Review Conference:
Ⅰ.Implementation of the Provisions of NPT Relating to Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Nuclear Disarmament and Security Assurances
1. To promote the smooth development of the disarmament process and safeguard world peace and security, all States Parties commit themselves to cultivate a new security concept in line with the need of the times. The core of such concept should be mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality and cooperation.
2. To ensure real progress in nuclear disarmament and reach the goal of a nuclear-weapon-free world as early as possible, all States parties should strive to establish a just and fair new international political and economic order, renounce cold war mentality, firmly oppose and do away with hegemonism, power politics and the pursuit of absolute military superiority. All States Parties reaffirm to respect one anther's sovereignty and territorial integrity, abide by the Charter of the United Nations and the norms governing international relations, oppose the use or threat of military force against other countries under any pretext, and never resort to military force in the international relations without the authorization from the United Nations Security Council.
3. To promote the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation objectives, it is imperative to adhere to the principle of maintaining global strategic stability and the principle of undiminished security for every country, as well as ensuring an international environment of peace, security, stability and trust favorable for the continued progress in nuclear disarmament.
4. All States Parties should refrain from engaging in the research or development of missile defense system, which could upset global and regional strategic stability and balance or trigger off a new round of arms race. All States Parties should also refrain from transferring missile defense technology and equipment to other countries, so as to prevent the proliferation of missile and missile technology that could deliver weapons of mass destruction. No State Party should use missile defense program to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries, impair their sovereignty or threaten their security.
5. The prevention of nuclear weapon proliferation and the complete elimination of nuclear weapons are mutually complimentary and promotive. The thorough destruction of nuclear weapons is the objective, and the prevention of nuclear weapon proliferation one of the effective means and necessary steps to attain this goal. In order to achieve the complete elimination of nuclear weapons so as to free the ８５
mankind forever from the threat of nuclear war, --the relevant nuclear weapon States should renounce the nuclear deterrence policy characterized by" the first use of nuclear weapons";
--the U.S.A and the Russian Federation, bearing special responsibilities for nuclear disarmament, should continue to cut down drastically their respective nuclear arsenals;
--all the nuclear weapons deployed on foreign soil should be withdrawn to their owner's territory;
--all the nuclear weapon States should, as soon as possible, undertake unconditionally and in a legally-binding manner not to be the first to use nuclear weapons, nor use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon States. International legal instruments should be concluded to this effect;
--all States Parties and the whole international community should push for the early entry into force of CTBT in accordance with its provisions, the negotiation and conclusion of a universal and verifiable fissile material cut-off treaty as soon as possible, and on the basis of the above-mentioned measures, negotiations to conclude a convention completely banning all the nuclear weapons.
Ⅱ.Implementation of the Provisions of NPT Relating to Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Safeguards and Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zones
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
1. In order to achieve the objective set out in NPT for preventing nuclear weapon proliferation, States parties should work for the building-up of a just and fair new international political and economic order, and strive to do away with hegemonism, power politics and the nuclear deterrence strategy characterized by "the first use of nuclear weapons"' In this way, all countries would feel secure, thus removing the fundamental incentives to acquire, develop or retain nuclear weapons.
2.To achieve the NPT's objective of nuclear weapon non-proliferation, the practice of double standards or multi-standards must be opposed, bloc export control arrangements should be replaced by nondiscriminatory and universally negotiated multilateral treaties.
Safeguards
All States parties should support the IAEA program for strengthening the effectiveness and improving the efficiency of the safeguards system, conclude agreement with IAEA on the application of the model protocol and implement these agreements as soon as possible. IAEA should promote its work in safeguards and in the peaceful use of nuclear energy in a balanced way.
Nuclear-Weapon-Free-Zones
1. The establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones by the non-nuclear-weapon States on the basis of voluntary consultations and arrangements freely arrived at is conducive to the prevention of nuclear weapon proliferation and contributes to the maintenance of international peace and security. All nuclear-weapon States should pledge their support for the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones, respect their status and undertake corresponding obligations, including the legal obligation towards the nuclear-weapon-free zones as well as the unconditional obligation of not being the ８６
first to use nuclear weapons and not using or threatening to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon States.
2.States parties to a nuclear-free-zone, if they are States parties to other international or regional agreements at the same time, should ensure that their observance of other international or regional agreements do not contradict their obligations to the treaty establishing the nuclear-weapon-free zone.
3. Nuclear-weapon-free zones should constitute a geographical entity whose boundaries are to be clearly defined by the prospective States parties to the nuclear-weapon-free zone treaty through full consultations with other States concerned, especially in cases where territories in dispute are involved, with a view to facilitating agreement of the other States concerned.
Ⅲ.Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty
1. To negotiate and conclude a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT) will be conducive to promoting nuclear disarmament and preventing nuclear weapons proliferation.
2. Only mutually coordinated and jointly implemented with other nuclear disarmament measures, will FMCT be meaningful for achieving the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons.
3. The commencement, progress and conclusion of FMCT negotiations are closely related to the development of international peace and security. With a view to early negotiation and conclusion of FMCT and promoting the goal of a nuclear-weapon-free world, all the States parties to NPT should:
--strive to establish a just and fair new international political and economic order, firmly oppose and do away with hegemonism, power politics and the pursuit of absolute military superiority in international relations;
--respect one another's sovereignty and territorial integrity, abide by the Charter of the United Nations and the norms governing international relations, oppose the use or threat of military force against other countries under any pretext, and never resort to military force in international relations without the authorization from the United Nations Security Council;
--refrain from engaging in the research, development and deployment of space weapon systems and missile defense systems that undermine strategic security and stability;
--call upon the relevant nuclear weapon States to renounce the nuclear deterrence policy characterized by "first use of nuclear weapons", and withdraw all the nuclear weapons deployed on foreign soil to their owner's territory;
--request all the nuclear weapon States unconditionally undertake not to be the first to use nuclear weapons, nor use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon States. International legal instruments should be concluded to this effect.
In line with the above-mentioned measures, the Conference on Disarmament should commence negotiations in accordance with the mandate contained in the Shannon report, with a view to concluding a universal and effectively verifiable treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other explosive ８７
devices.
5. FMCT should only prohibit the production of fissile material for nuclear weapon purposes. The production of fissile material for other military or civilian uses should not be prohibited.
6. The verification measures of FMCT should be determined in accordance with the scope of the treaty as set out by the relevant resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly, rather than copying the verification models of other treaties conventions.
7. The future FMCT requires universality, with all the nuclear-capable States joining in the treaty.
Ⅳ.Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy
1. The practical enhancement of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy will contribute to full implementation of all objectives of NPT, and play a significant promotive role in nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. Relevant work in this regard is an important part towards full implementation of NPT, and should be concretely undertaken.
2. In the fulfillment of the obligations of NPT regarding the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, the tendency to restrict or even to impede the right of the developing countries for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy under the pretext of preventing nuclear weapons proliferation should be opposed and terminated.
3. A few countries have established export control regimes which are beyond NPT and discriminatory and exclusive in nature. Under various pretexts, they adopt double standards and impede the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and the relevant international cooperation by the States Parties to NPT, especially the developing countries. Such acts should he opposed, because it will undermine the basis for the prevention of nuclear weapon proliferation. The bloc-oriented export control regimes should be replaced by globally universal non-proliferation regimes established through multilateral negotiations.
4. It is imperative for IAEA to strengthen its work in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. IAEA should not over-emphasize the safeguards function at the expense of its work to promote international cooperation for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
Speech by His Excellency Jiang Zemin President of the People's Republic of China At the 7th APEC Informal Leadership Meeting 1999/09/13
Auckland, New Zealand
13 September 1999
Prime Minister Jenny Shipley,
Fellow Colleagues,
It gives me great pleasure to come to the picturesque city of Auckland and attend this meeting. May I begin by expressing my heart-felt thanks to Prime Minister Shipley for her kind invitation and to the Government of New Zealand for its thoughtful arrangements for the meetings.
８８
This year marks the tenth anniversary of APEC. Over the decade, thanks to the joint efforts of all its members, our organization, adhering to its purposes of promoting economic cooperation and achieving common prosperity, has grown in strength and become one of the most important economic cooperation organizations in the Asia-Pacific and even in the entire world. Taking a review of APEC's course of development, I think there are five points that lead to its success and that we could draw on.
First, APEC should keep to its nature as an economic forum and focus on promoting the regional economic cooperation. This is essential for APEC to play a positive role and maintain a full vitality.
Second, APEC has gradually developed a unique cooperation approach of its own, i.e., the universally recognized "APEC approach". This approach recognizes diversity and stresses on voluntarism, consensus, flexibility and gradual progress. Practice proves that these principles are important factors ensuring development of economic cooperation among APEC members in the right direction.
Third, given the diversity of AEPC members, APEC, instead of imposing uniformity, has worked out two timetables for the implementation of the trade and investment liberalization, taking into account the disparity of economic development level of its members and their different capacities to withstand the impact that the liberalization process may produce.
Fourth, APEC should attach importance to ECOTEC and take measures to promote scientific and technical exchanges and cooperation and technology transfer and boost cooperation in other areas such as the development of infrastructure and human resources so that APEC's two wheels -- ECOTEC and the trade and investment liberalization - can move side by side and jointly bring APEC forward.
Fifth, APEC members should conduct more studies and discussions on financial issues in the light of changing circumstances and take relevant measures to maintain normal financial order and jointly prevent financial risks.
The twentieth century is coming to an end and the new century is dawning upon the world. Where should APEC go in the new era? This is a question that we leaders of APEC members are pondering over now. The Asia-Pacific cannot develop in isolation of the rest of the world. At present, the international situation is, on the whole, still developing towards relaxation. But the world is not yet tranquil. Neither of the two major tasks of the world, namely peace and development, has been accomplished. Moreover, they are faced with new challenges. Destabilizing and uncertain factors have visibly increased. It is widely felt that the world we live in is far from peaceful. Under such complex circumstances, we the leaders are all the more required to work unswervingly to promote the lofty cause of peace and development in the fundamental interests of the people of our own nations and of the world, and in keeping with the historical trend. We should build our homeland of the Asia-Pacific into a region of peace, stability, development and prosperity in the 21st century. There are now two tasks before APEC: one is to firmly maintain peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific; the other is to further promote the economic growth of the region. APEC can and should play its due role in these two aspects. I think that in order for APEC to ８９
maintain its vitality and make greater contributions to the regional and world economic prosperity, we should do a good job in the following six areas:
First, actively promote common economic prosperity in the Asia-Pacific. All members of APEC have been affected by the Asian financial crisis to a varying extent, and some members have suffered enormous losses. It is therefore a most pressing common task to overcome these adverse impacts and promote common progress of all member economies. APEC members, developing members in particular, should continue to strengthen the readjustment and reform of their respective economic structures. In the meantime, the developed members on their part should make a vigourous effort to provide favourable conditions, such as implementing a positive and responsible fiscal and monetary policy and maintaining the stability of major currencies, so as to help create a good environment for an all-round development and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific economy. APEC should play its part in strengthening coordination and dialogues on macro-economic policies among its members, especially between developed and developing members, and in minimizing any possible negative impact of economic globalization.
Second, actively deepen regional economic and technical cooperation so as to lay a solid foundation for medium- and long-term development of the Asia-Pacific. APEC members should always bear in mind their long-term interests in their pursuit of economic growth. They should place more emphasis on strengthening their own capacity and pay greater attention to addressing the deep-rooted problems that hinder the long-term regional economic development. APEC should seek substantial progress in ECOTEC. To be more specific, it should strengthen cooperation in areas such as scientific and technical exchanges, human resources and infrastructure development, improve the investment and trade environment so as to ensure a stable and sustained development of the Asia-Pacific economy.
Third, actively and steadily push forward the process of trade and investment liberalization and promote a sound development of the multilateral trading system. Considerable progress has been made in the process of the APEC trade and investment liberalization. To participate in the process, developing members have made a great effort to overcome their many difficulties. It is regrettable, however, in the aftermath of the Asian financial crisis, trade protectionism of various sorts targeted at developing countries has made a comeback. This is detrimental not only to the economic recovery of the crisis-stricken members, but also to the development of the multilateral trading system. And it will do no good to the developed members either. APEC members, especially the developed ones, should proceed from the overall interest of the regional economic cooperation and take effective measures to curb the trade protectionism, further open their markets to developing members, and expand regional trade. The World Trade Organization (WTO) has played an important role in the growth of global trade, but it is still not as complete and broadly representative as it should be. As an organization that carries considerable weight in the international economic affairs, APEC should contribute to the protection of interests of all its members and the improvement of the multilateral trading system.
Fourth, actively strengthen the cooperation in the international financial field and ９０
promote the establishment of a new, fair and rational international financial order. Finance is the core of modern economy. The stability of the international finance bears on the immediate interests of all APEC members and the stability and development of the regional economy. To ward off financial risks and prevent the recurrence of financial crisis is an important task for all members. In view of this, the financial order should be reformed and improved, and efforts should be made to ensure a safe and orderly operation of the international financial market. In this connection, the developed members should make greater efforts to strengthen the monitoring and regulation of international capital flow, check any excessive speculation of international hot money, and help developing members enhance their ability to forecast and fend off such speculation. In the meantime, the choice independently made by countries or regions concerned on how to overcome the impact of financial crisis should be well respected and no country should seek to impose its own system and modality on others.
Fifth, firmly adhere to the right development direction of APEC and maintain the vigour and vitality of the organization. APEC has developed its unique "APEC approach" which is different from any other organization. Adherence to this approach will lead APEC to growth; any attempt to change or abandon it will inevitably result in difficulties and setbacks for the development of APEC. Whatever happens, we should stick to the basic principles of APEC, for only by so doing can we make greater contribution to the stability and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region.
Sixth, actively press ahead with the mutually beneficial cooperation among APEC members. The decades following the end of World War II witnessed a rapid rise of Third World countries. The developing countries and regions in East Asia, in particular, have created world-impressive economic miracles. Although developing countries are still faced with many difficulties, they are and have always been an important force on the international arena. With vast territories, abundant resources and a large population, developing countries have enormous potentials for development. To strengthen South-South cooperation is the common aspiration of all developing nations. And it is also an important issue in today's international relations and represents the direction of historical development and a symbol of world progress. The developing members of APEC should all give full play to their respective strong points and complement each other with their advantages. And they should also develop and conduct a wide-ranging South-South economic cooperation and promote common development and common prosperity.
We are pleased to note that thanks to their hard efforts in the past two years, the crisis-hit economies of some of the Asia-Pacific countries have bottomed out, and are gradually recovering and developing in a good direction. This is an encouraging development. Let us join hands and seize this opportunity. Let us strengthen mutual coordination and cooperation in the light of our actual conditions and make unremitting efforts to promote all-round economic development and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific.
Thank you.
９１
Speech by H. E. Premier ZHU Rongji At the ASEM Science and Technology Ministers' Meeting （Beijing, China 14 October 1999 ） 1999/10/14
Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
On the occasion of the ASEM Science and Technology Minister's Meeting, I would like to express, on behalf of the Chinese Government and people, our warm welcome to the ministers of science and technology and other distinguished guests present at the meeting.
At the second ASEM held in London in April 1998, the leaders of all the participating countries agreed that there is a tremendous potential for Asia-Europe scientific and technological cooperation and made positive response to the proposal of convening the ASEM S&T Ministers' Meeting. In the past year and more, all the ASEM members have worked together for the successful convocation of this meeting. The convocation of this Meeting added a new page to the annals of Asia-Europe scientific and technical cooperation and is a big event in the history of the friendly relation and cooperation between the two continents.
Both Asia and Europe are major origins of human civilization. There has been a long history of S&T exchanges between the two continents. Even in the ancient times, our ancestors were engaged in a two-way dissemination and exchanges of advanced scientific and technological inventions through the ancient Silk Road, benefiting the people of both continents and contribution to world civilization.
In today's world, science and technology advance by leaps and bounds and all countries are attaching greater importance to the important role of scientific and technical advancement in socio-economic development, The scientific and technological exchanges, economic cooperation and trade between states have become an important component of international relations.
At present, Asia and European countries are all faced with many problems related to their socio-economic development. Their solution involves basic research, application of scientific research results to industrial production, agricultural development, environmental protection, clean production technologies, upgrading the enterprise capabilities for technical innovation and human resources development. In this context, Asia-Europe scientific and technological cooperation has a great relevance and strong complementarity. We firmly believe that so long as countries on the two continents adhere to the principles of equality and mutual benefit, respecting intellectual property rights, and proceed from the long term and common interests, they will be able to smoothly create a new situation of Asia-Europe scientific and technological cooperation oriented towards 21st century and score even more brilliant achievements for human civilization and progress.
The Chinese Government has always attached importance to the development of science and technology. In the past 50 years since the founding of the People's Republic of China, China has, through arduous efforts, made substantial progress in ９２
developing its science and technology which has played an important role on boosting China's economic growth, increasing its overall national strength and improving the quality of its people's life. The Chinese Government pays much attention to scientific and technological exchanges and cooperation with other countries. So far china has set up S&T cooperative relationship with 152 countries and regions and joined over 800 international academic organizations.
We are keenly aware that the present scientific and technological level in China is not adequate to meet the needs of its economic and social development. It has become a pressing task to implement the strategy of rejuvenating the country through progress in science and education and go all out for scientific and technical advancement. Since the beginning of this year, China has stepped up its efforts for the reform of its science and technology system and formulated a series of important policies related to investment, trade, banking, taxation, IPR protection and awarding scientific achievements. There is a good opportunity for S&T cooperation between China and other Asian and European countries.
Reform and opening-up are the only way to modernization for China. No matter how many difficulties and obstacles we may encounter, we Chinese people will unswervingly keep to the road of reform and opening-up and work vigorously to promote the mutually beneficial cooperation among Asian and European countries in all areas.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
To strengthen S&T exchanges and cooperation has become the consensus of the statesmen, the science community, and the business community in Asia and European countries. The convocation of this meeting will undoubtedly help tap the potential of Asia-Europe S&T cooperation, increase the channels for such cooperation and exchanges, establish an effective mechanism of cooperation, facilitate the S&T cooperation within the framework of ASEM and produce a positive impact on the Asia-Europe economic and technological cooperation in the 21st century. The Asia-Europe S&T cooperation will make its due contribution to the realization of the ASEM purpose, that is, to create conditions favorable for economic and social development and establish a pro-economic growth new comprehensive partnership between Asia and Europe.
I wish this Meeting a complete success.
Thank you.
Statement by Shen Guofang at the Plenary Meeting of the United Nations Disarmament Commission 1999/10/19
Statement by H.E. Ambassador Shen Guofang Head of Delegation of the People's Republic of China at the Plenary Meeting of the United Nations Disarmament Commission
Mr. Chairman,
First of all, I wish to congratulate you, on behalf of the Chinese delegation, on your assumption of the Chairmanship of the current session of the United Nations Disarmament Commission. I am convinced that with your wisdom and diplomatic ９３
experience, you will lead the conference to a success. The Chinese delegation will cooperate fully with you, the Bureau and other delegations. I also wish to take this opportunity to thank the Chairman of last session, Mr. Abdelaziz, Deputy Permanent Representative of Egypt to the United Nations, for his contribution to the work of that session.
Mr. Chairman,
This is the first session of the UNDC convened in the new century and the new millennium. At this juncture, people are still concerned about global security environment. The world is far from being tranquil. The old security concept and the Cold War mentality, based on military alliance and build-up of armaments, still linger on, posing a serious threat to international peace and stability. Hegemonism and power politics are still hampering the establishment of a just and rational new international political and economic order.
Against such a backdrop, international arms control and disarmament efforts have suffered some serious setbacks. A certain country refused to ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), casting doubt over the treaty's prospect of entry-into-force. Ironically, this country pushed very hard the negotiation and conclusion of the treaty. The very same country, in disregard of strong international opposition, is intensifying its efforts to develop national and theater missile defense systems to the detriment of global strategic equilibrium and regional stability. This country even threatened to withdraw from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty that underpins international arms control efforts. The strong momentum emerging in the field of international disarmament after the end of the Cold War, has been severely weakened. People are worrying about the future course of disarmament efforts.
The Chinese delegation maintains that cooperation on an equal footing is essential for progress in international disarmament efforts. This has been true in the past and will remain so in the future. This is also an important part of the new security concept advocated by China, which is based on mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality and cooperation. All countries, big or small, rich or poor, strong or weak, should have an equal right to security. Disarmament is not intended to enhance the security of an individual country or a group of countries. Disarmament should not become a tool for stronger nations to control weaker ones, still less should it be an instrument for a handful of countries to optimize their armament in order to seek unilateral security advantage.
To carry out cooperation in the field of disarmament, all countries should accommodate each other's security concerns and to abandon unilateralism and hegemonism. Some countries pursue the doctrine of "mine is mine, yours is negotiable", and frequently impose economic sanctions on other countries under the pretext of non-proliferation. Such an approach is by no means desirable. In the framework of collective security, enhancement of international cooperation and common efforts offer the only correct and effective way to address the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
Such cooperation also requires all nations to respect and abide by international ９４
arms control and disarmament instruments, and to abandon cynicism in this area. A certain state asks others to fulfill treaty obligations, while keeping freedom of action for itself. When ratifying a treaty, it adopted domestic legislation in violation of the purposes of the treaty. It even threatened to withdraw from a treaty under groundless pretexts. Such are demonstrations of hegemonism and double standard, which will undermine international disarmament efforts.
China has always attached importance to the UNDC, and has participated in its every session in a constructive manner. The Chinese delegation holds the view that the UNDC plays an irreplaceable role in formulating guidelines for international arms control and disarmament. Under current circumstances when international disarmament efforts have come to a crossroads, we need the UNDC even more to explore principles and ways to advance the disarmament process.
Mr. Chairman,
As agreed upon by all delegations, "Ways and Means to Achieve Nuclear Disarmament" is one of the two agenda items of the current UNDC session. Since last session, there have been some new developments in the field of nuclear disarmament. The Chinese delegation welcomes the ratification of START II and CTBT by the Russian Federation. Such moves give a new impetus to the nuclear disarmament process. We expect START II to be implemented and START III negotiations initiated as soon as possible. However, a certain military power, relying on its superb economic and technical power, is vigorously pursuing the development of NMD while already possessing a huge nuclear arsenal with decimating capability. Such moves are aimed at seeking its own absolute security and freedom of action in international affairs. The Chinese delegation maintains that such action is a unilateral nuclear arms expansion in another form, which will not only jeopardize global strategic balance and stability, but also hamper international nuclear disarmament process. We call upon the international community to pay close attention to this issue and adopt concrete steps to preempt such dangerous developments.
Mr. Chairman,
Irreversibility is a basic guiding principle for nuclear disarmament. Nuclear disarmament should be a comprehensive and irreversible process, rather than an opportunity for major nuclear powers to optimize and upgrade their nuclear arsenals. The nuclear warheads reduced according to disarmament agreements should be destroyed immediately, and should not be retained for future redeployment. It cannot be regarded as nuclear disarmament in real sense by putting reduced nuclear warheads in so-called "inactive reserve" under constant maintenance.
Prevention of nuclear weapons proliferation is a necessary step towards a world free of nuclear weapons. The sixth NPT review conference, convened not long ago, demonstrated once again the common will of the international community against nuclear proliferation. The outcome of this conference is conducive to the enhancement of nuclear non-proliferation regime. We call upon countries concerned to sign the CTBT and to accede to the NPT as soon as possible.
China has all along advocated comprehensive prohibition and thorough ９５
destruction of nuclear weapons. The Chinese delegation is of the view that, the most rational and feasible confidence-building measures under current circumstances, is for nuclear-weapon states to undertake unconditionally and in a legal form not to be the first to use nuclear weapons, and not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon states or nuclear-weapon-free zones. Prohibition of the first use of nuclear weapons will increase mutual trust among nuclear-weapon states as well as between nuclear-weapon states and non-nuclear-weapon states. This will reduce the risk of nuclear war and create necessary conditions for the complete prohibition of nuclear weapons.
China supports the negotiation and conclusion of a fissile material cut-off treaty (FMCT). Meanwhile, we hold that, when a country pursues the development of missile defense system with outer space as its important base, prevention of an arms race in outer space is more urgent than the FMCT negotiation. Therefore, the three major disarmament issues, namely, nuclear disarmament, prevention of an arms race in outer space and FMCT should be dealt with in a balanced manner at the Conference on Disarmament.
Mr. Chairman,
China supports practical confidence-building measures (CBMs) in the field of conventional arms. We are of the view that conventional disarmament involves a wide range of issues and has direct bearings on the security of all countries. Therefore, CBMs of a global nature in this field cannot be established overnight. In addition to their inherent complexities, CBMs are also subject to the influence of many other factors, among which the overall international security situation is the primary one. Conventional disarmament is also closely related to other disarmament issues. The stalemate of nuclear disarmament process between the two major nuclear powers, and the development and proliferation of missile defense systems that may trigger an arms race in outer space, also contribute to the lack of progress in conventional disarmament.
The Chinese delegation maintains that CBMs in conventional arms should not compromise the security of countries concerned. We should explore principles and ways to guarantee the security of countries concerned, so as to create a favorable atmosphere for establishing global CBMs in the field of conventional arms.
The Chinese delegation is of the view that CBMs should not be discussed in abstract terms. Instead, we should explore concrete measures in light of specific conditions and timing, and seek common ground while putting aside differences. The Chinese delegation welcomes the measures taken by some countries in Europe, America and Africa in recent years. We think that these measures are conducive to the maintenance of regional peace and stability, and may facilitate the exploration of global CBMs in conventional arms. However, I would like to point out that, given varying regional conditions, the experience and practice of one region may offer some reference, but cannot be imitated by and still less be imposed on other regions.
The Chinese delegation holds that CBMs should be established in a phased approach, starting from easy ones. As initial steps, we may explore some principles, such as pursuing a national defense policy that is defensive in nature, keeping ９６
armaments at a reasonable level without jeopardizing the security and stability of other countries, and refraining from targeting a third country in bilateral security cooperation.
China pursues a good-neighborly policy and attaches importance to the establishment of practical CBMs with its neighbors. In recent years, China and Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan signed the Agreement on Confidence-Building in the Military Field along the Border Areas and the Agreement on the Reduction of Military Forces along the Border Areas. A regular summit meeting has been institutionalized among the five countries. China and India signed the Agreement on Confidence-Building Measures in the Military Field along the Line of Actual Control in the China-India Border Areas, and the Agreement on the Maintenance of Peace and Tranquillity along the Line of Actual Control in the China-India Border Areas.
Mr. Chairman,
I would also like to take this opportunity to point out that, China is firmly opposed to the attempts by certain countries to undermine the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other countries by means of arm sales. Taiwan is an inalienable part of China. This has been recognized by the international community. However, certain countries, in disregard of this fact, have been selling large amount of advanced weapons to Taiwan. This action violates the principle of respecting national sovereignty and territorial integrity as enshrined in the UN Charter. It not only jeopardizes China's sovereignty and security, but also poses a threat to the peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. This goes against the spirit of CBMs. We demand countries concerned to stop this wrong practice as soon as possible.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Statement by Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan at the 54th Session of the UN General Assembly 1999/11/19
Mr. President,
Please allow me to warmly congratulate you on your assumption of the Presidency of the current session of the UN General Assembly. I a confident that with your wisdom and experience, you will be able to accomplish this lofty mission successfully. At the same time, I would like to express my appreciation to Mr. Opertti for his contribution as President of the last session of the General Assembly. I also wish to take this opportunity to extend my sincere congratulations to the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga on their admission to the membership of the United Nations.
Mr. President,
The current session of the General Assembly, as the last one of this century, is of special significance. "A review of the past may help us predict the future." In retrospect , humanity, during the past century, created unprecedented material wealth and culture and at the same time, suffered from the scourge of two World wars and the ordeal of the Cold War that lasted nearly fifty years. Since the end of the Cold War, the world has been moving toward mu1tipoiarity and the overall international ９７
situation toward relaxation. The maintenance of peace, the pursuit for stability and the promotion of development have become the common aspiration and demand of the people of all countries. Nevertheless, the harsh reality suggests that the world is far from being tranquil. The Cold War mentality still lingers on. Hegemonism and power politics have manifested themselves in new expressions. Military blocs are being expanded and reinforced and the tendency of military intervention is on the rise. Triggered by ethnic, religious and territorial issues, regional conflicts and disputes keep cropping up one after another. The disparity between the North and the South has become ever more striking. The gap between the rich and the poor continues to grow. World peace is still elusive and development faces even more serious challenges.
Hegemonism and power politics are the root cause for the turmoil in the world today. The outbreak of war in Kosovo has sounded a loud alarm for us all. A regional military organization, in the name of "humanitarianism" and "human rights", bypassed the United Nations and took military actions against a sovereign state. It created an ominous precedent in international relations. This act is a violation of the UN Charter and other universally recognized norms governing international relations. It has eroded the leading role of the United Nations in safeguarding world peace and security and gravely undermined the authority of the UN Security Council. During the war, the Chinese Embassy in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was bombed, which caused heavy casualties and loss of property. It was an incident rarely seen in diplomatic history and naturally roused the utmost indignation of the entire Chinese people and strong condemnation by the international community.
As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, China has held clear and consistent position on the issue of Kosovo. We seek no selfish interests and only uphold justice. For the sake of peace, we have maintained that the Kosovo issue should be resolved through peaceful negotiations on the basis of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and guarantee of the legitimate rights and interest of all ethnic groups in Kosovo. We are opposed to the use of force under whatever pretext.
Mankind is at the threshold of the 21st century. Where should the world go? What kind of a new international political and economic order should be established? These are urgent questions facing the governments and people of all countries.
The world is undergoing significant and profound changes. A changed world calls for a corresponding new international political and economic order. Establishment of a just and reasonable new international order is necessitated by world peace and development and is the common aspiration of the international community. It should be based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, the purposes and principles of the UN Charter and other universally recognized principles governing international relations. In this connection, I wish to highlight the following points:
1. Sovereign equality and non-interference in each other' s internal affairs. Such arguments as "human rights taking precedence over sovereignty" and "humanitarian intervention" seem to be in vogue these days. Some countries have even put such ９８
arguments into practice. We believe that it is the sacred duty of all governments to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms and that all countries are under obligation to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms of their own people in accordance with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter and the international human rights instruments and in light of their respective national conditions and relevant laws. However, as political system, the level of economic development, history, cultural background and values vary from country to country, it is only natural that countries have different interpretation and even diverging views on human rights. Countries should engage in dialogues and exchanges on the basis of equality and mutual respect so as to better understand each other, expand common ground and handle their differences properly, rather than resort to confrontation or interference in others' internal affairs under the pretext of human rights. The issue of human rights is, in essence, an internal affair of a country, and should be addressed mainly by the government of that country through its own efforts. Ours is a diversified world. Each country has the right to choose its own social system, approach to development and values that are suitable to its national conditions. The history of China and other developing countries shows that sovereignty of a country is the prerequisite for and the basis of human rights that the people of that country can enjoy. When the sovereignty of a country is put in jeopardy, its human rights can hardly be protected effectively. Sovereign equality, mutual respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in each other' s internal affairs are the basic principles governing international relations today. In spite of the major changes in the post-Cold War international situation, these principles are by no means out-of-date. Any deviation from or violation of these principles would destroy the universally-recognized norms governing international relations, and would lead to the rampage of hegemonism; if "might is right" should prevail, new "gun-boat policy" would wreak havoc, the sovereignty and independence by virtue of which some small and weak countries protect themselves would be jeopardized and international peace and stability would be seriously endangered. The Kosovo crisis has proved that to make the so-called "humanitarian intervention" in a sovereign state with neither a mandate from the UN Security Council nor prior consent of the country concerned will cause a greater humanitarian catastrophe in stead of resolving the problem. In view of this, under the current circumstances, the principles of respect for state sovereignty and non interference in each other' s internal affairs must be strengthened effectively rather than weakened, in order to maintain world peace and stability.
2. Pacific settlement of international disputes. This principle initiated by the Hague Peace Conference held 100 years ago is now an important principle of the UN Charter and a basic principle of contemporary international law. The century-long history shows that deviation from this principle led to "the scourge of war, which twice brought untold sorrow to mankind", and inflicted tremendous suffering on the people of the countries subjected to foreign aggression. In the current international situation, adherence to the principle of pacific settlement of international disputes is still of major immediate significance.
Pacific settlement of international disputes is predicated on the non-use and ９９
non-threat of force in international relations. We maintain that to handle state-to-state relations with mentality and modality of "hot war", "cold war", "power politics" or "bloc politics" will get nowhere. All international disputes and regional conflicts should be resolved justly and fairly through peaceful negotiation and consultation on the basis of equality, rather than by arbitrary use or threat of force on strength of military superiority. Only in this way can there be a fundamental solution to disputes or conflicts without complicating or aggravating them or leaving a hidden peril behind. Only in this way can states co-exist in harmony and attain common prosperity. And this is the only way to a lasting peace and stability in the world. Otherwise, the world will never be tranquil.
3. To strengthen the role of the United Nations and preserve the authority of the Security Council. The role of the UN is indispensable to the achievement of genuine peace and development and to the establishment of a just and reasonable new international order. To strengthen the UN' s role goes with the historical trend, meets the needs of the times and conforms to the shared aspiration of all people in the world.
In order to strengthen the UN' s role, efforts should first be made to uphold the sanctity of the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. The most important reason for which the UN has been able to grow from 51 founding members to its current size is that it has acted according to these purposes and principles. Those purposes and principles have already taken deep root in international practice and formed a legal basis on which peaceful and friendly relations between countries are regulated. It is the view of the Chinese Government that despite the great changes that have taken place in the international situation, the purposes and principles of the UN Charter are still relevant. We are opposed to any irresponsible interpretation or revision of them, under whatever excuse.
If the UN' s role is to be strengthened, the authority of the Security Council must be preserved. According to the provisions of the UN Charter, the Security Council shoulders primary responsibility for safeguarding international peace and security. It has been proved that the role of the Security Council is irreplaceable. Given the current circumstances, it is imperative to preserve the Security Council's authority and leading role. Any act to weaken this authority or to impose the will of an individual country or a group of countries on the Security Council is very dangerous. Instead of maintaining peace, it will further breed power politics and hegemonism and give rise to endless troubles.
If the UN's role is to be strengthened, it is essential to ensure to all member states the right to equal participation in international affairs, so that their reasonable propositions will be fully reflected and their legitimate rights and interests protected by the UN. Decisions made by the UN must give expression to the common will of the majority of its members. Any attempt by a few countries or a group of countries to monopolize world affairs and decide the destiny of the people of other countries goes against the trend of the times and will never succeed.
4. To foster a new security concept and safeguard international security. The old security concept based on military alliance and arms build-up does not help safeguard international security, still less build a lasting peace in the world. In today' s world, it １００
is necessary to foster a new security concept that satisfies the needs of the times and to explore new ways of maintaining peace and security. The core of the new security concept should be mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality and cooperation. The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence and the purposes of the UN Charter are the political foundation for the maintenance of international security, and mutual-beneficial cooperation and common development its economic guarantee. Dialogue on an equal footing, full consultation and peaceful negotiations are the right way to maintain international security.
Relaxation in the international situation and the disarmament process are mutually complementary. It is regrettable, however, that some recent negative developments in international situation have seriously hindered the healthy development of the disarmament process. How to promote the disarmament process, prevent arms race and maintain international security have become a pressing concern for the international community. We are opposed to any attempt to seek military strength that goes beyond the needs of legitimate defense of a country under an unreal excuse. We are also opposed to any attempt to restrict and weaken other countries in the name of disarmament and non-proliferation in order to seek absolute unilateral security supremacy for one country or group of countries. We call on the international community to take the new security concept as a guideline and promote the healthy development of the disarmament process thoroughly in the interest of world peace and security.
5. To reform the international economic system and promote common development of all countries. The old and irrational economic order has seriously impeded the sound development of world economy, further widening the gap of wealth between the North and the South. The East Asian financial crisis that broke out two years ago has affected many countries in the world. To prevent financial risks and ensure economic security has become an urgent task facing many countries, especially the developing countries. The world economy is an inter-related and indivisible whole. All members of the international community should step up cooperation and jointly promote a steady growth of world economy in a responsible and risk-sharing spirit. Therefore, it is necessary to reform the current international economic and financial systems. The United Nations and the international financial institutions should earnestly construct a framework to prevent and overcome financial and other economic risks. Accordingly, the developed countries should undertake more obligations. The developing countries have the right to equal participation in world economic decision-making and formulation of relevant rules. In the new round of negotiations that will soon begin in the World Trade Organization, the reasonable demands of developing countries should be fully reflected. Cooperation should be strengthened on the basis of equality and mutual benefit. No country should prejudice other countries' economic security and development by virtue of its economic, technological and financial advantages. We should all oppose trade discrimination, the rich bullying the poor and arbitrary resort to economic sanctions or threat of sanctions against other countries. The developed and developing countries both have their own advantages and should learn from each other to make up for their deficiencies, so as to １０１
achieve common sustainable development. Moreover, on such global issues as environment, population, poverty and debt, the developed countries should not shirk their responsibility and obligation, but rather, they should take the lead in providing technological and financial assistance to the developing countries. We deem it necessary for the United Nations to hold a special conference at an appropriate time to discuss the globalization of world economy, in order to promote international cooperation in this field and common prosperity.
Mr. President,
The People' s Republic of China will soon celebrate its 50th anniversary. For half a century, especially in the last 21 years of reform and opening-up, great changes have taken place in China, and the Chinese people have scored tremendous achievements in socialist economic, political and cultural development as well as in diplomatic and other endeavors. Following Hong Kong' s return to the motherland the year before last, the Chinese Government will soon resume the exercise of sovereignty over Macao. At present, China enjoys po1itical stabi1ity, sustained economic growth, national unity, and social tranquillity and progress. Although there are all kinds of difficulties and severe challenges on our road ahead, we are confident and capable of overcoming the difficulties, meeting the challenges with success and pushing forward the all-round socialist cause of building a strong, prosperous, democratic and culturally-advanced country.
In the face of the international vicissitudes, the Chinese Government will steadfastly take economic development as the central task, resolutely press ahead with reform and opening-up, persistently maintain social stability and unswervingly pursue an independent foreign policy of peace. We are willing to continue to develop friendly relations and cooperation on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence with all other countries in the world and make our due contribution to safeguarding world peace and promoting common deve1opment.
The Chinese Government and people will, as always, resolutely safeguard China's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and continue to advance the great cause of national reunification. It is a fact universally recognized by the international community that there is only one China in the world, that Taiwan is an inalienable part of Chinese territory and that the Government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legitimate government representing the whole of China. China' s territory and sovereignty are abso1ute1y indivisible. To realize the ultimate reunification of the motherland represents the common aspiration and firm resolve of all the Chinese people, including the Taiwan compatriots, and no force can hold them back. The Chinese Government will continue to adhere to the set policy for settlement of the Taiwan question. We are firmly opposed to any attempt to create "Taiwan independence", "two Chinas", or "one China, one Taiwan". All moves to split the motherland are doomed to failure. China's great cause of national reunification must be accomplished and will surely be accomplished.
A couple of days ago, the Taiwan province of China was hit by severe earthquakes that inflicted heavy losses in life and property on our Taiwan compatriots. We are deeply concerned by the gravity of the disaster and hereby express our １０２
sympathy and send our condolences to victims of the disaster and those who lost their loved ones. Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Straits are of the same flesh and blood and the pain and suffering of the Taiwan compatriots touch the heart of all Chinese. We wish to offer whatever assistance we can to moderate the loss brought about by the earthquakes. I would like to take this opportunity to thank the President of the General Assembly and the international community for their sympathy, condolences and offer of help.
Mr. President,
The 21st century is dawning. The world has bright prospects, and the new century is bound to be a more splendid one. The Chinese people stand ready to work together with the people of other countries for the establishment of a just and rational new international order, for peace and development in the new century, and for the all-round progress of human society.
Thank you, Mr. President.
"Non-Proliferation at A Crossroads" Addressed by Mr. Sha Zukang at the Wilton Park Conference （December 14, 1999） 1999/12/14
It is a great pleasure for me to attend this conference. The turn of century is witnessing profound changes in international security situation. Against such backdrop, arms control and non-proliferation has come to an important turning-point. Its future course is a common concern of the international community. This conference is both necessary and timely, for it offers us a good opportunity to look back and forward into the arms control and non-proliferation issues, and to explore new ways and new solutions. Here, I would like to express my appreciation for the vision and wisdom of the organizers of the conference, and for their enthusiasm and dedication to arms control and non-proliferation. I wish the conference a complete success.
The topic assigned to me was "what more can be done to secure enthusiastic Chinese participation in and defence of the regimes". To be frank, when I saw this topic, my first reaction was China has not done its public relations work properly, for even knowledgeable scholars like the organizers of this conference seem not to know much, or even have some misunderstandings, about China's policies and practices on non-proliferation.
Therefore, I feel compelled to give a brief introduction to China's policies and practices in this field. China firmly supports the international efforts to prevent the proliferation of WMDs, and has actively and enthusiastically participated in and defended all multilateral non-proliferation regimes based on international legal instruments. China acceded to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) in 1992 and contributed positively to its indefinite extension in 1995. China actively participated in the negotiations of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), signed and ratified the convention in 1993 and 1997 respectively, and has implemented its legal obligations faithfully. China became a state party to the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) in 1984, and is now actively participating in the negotiations of a protocol to strengthen the effectiveness of the convention. China １０３
was one of the first to sign the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), and has played a positive role in the work of the CTBTO Prepcom. As a member state of IAEA, China has put its civilian nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards on a voluntary basis. It joined the Zangger Committee in October 1997, and signed the "93+2" protocol aimed at strengthening the IAEA safeguards system by the end of 1998. Moreover, China has signed and ratified relevant protocols to the Treaties of Tlatelolco, Rarotonga and Pelindaba. It has also undertaken to sign the amended protocol to the Southeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty.
These facts indicate that China has joined almost all the multilateral legal instruments in the field of arms control and non-proliferation. Apart from participating in multilateral non-proliferation efforts, China has improved its export control systems on sensitive items and technologies, and has promulgated a series of laws and regulations. In December 1995, China published the Regulations on the Supervision and Control of Chemicals, and subsequently issued the List of Chemicals Subject to Supervision and Control and the Bylaws for the Implementation of the Regulations in June 1996. China promulgated the Regulations on Nuclear Export Control in September 1997, and the Regulations on the Control of Military Products Export in October 1997. In June 1998, China published the Regulations on the Control of the Export of Dual-Use Nuclear Materials and Related Technology. All these facts have shown that China adopts a clear-cut policy against the proliferation of WMDs. This policy will remain unchanged in the future.
Looking back, one of the basic reasons that prompted China to adopt its non-proliferation policy was the relaxation of the international situation and the improvement of the relations between major powers after the Cold War. Under such circumstances, non-proliferation of WMDs is conducive to the global stability, and is in the interest of most of the countries in the world. As a matter of fact, this is also the fundamental reason behind the achievements attained in international arms control and non-proliferation in the post-Cold-War era.
However, recently, the international situation has been undergoing the most profound changes since the end of the Cold War. In a certain sense, these changes have marked the end of the post-Cold-War era, and the beginning of a new and more turbulent era. These changes are bound to have far-reaching impacts on the cause of international non-proliferation. Meanwhile, with the deepening of non-proliferation efforts, some negative tendencies have emerged in this field. How to assess such impacts and how to reduce and remove such negative tendencies? This is a question calling for serious consideration by all governments and people committed to arms control and non-proliferation. Whether the international community could reach a constructive consensus on this question and take necessary actions, is crucial for progress in arms control and non-proliferation in the next century. Here, I would like to share with you some of my personal views on this:
I. Interference in other countries' internal affairs and the use of force will jeopardize international security environment essential for progress in arms control and non-proliferation.
As is known to all, arms control and non-proliferation does not exist in vacuum. １０４
Rather, it hinges upon a peaceful and secure international environment. History tells us that, absence of security constitutes a primary incentive for a country to acquire and develop WMDs. Indeed, arms control and non-proliferation will go nowhere in a world where everyone feels insecure. This year's NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in blatant violation of the principles enshrined in the UN Charter has delivered a hard blow to international arms control and non-proliferation efforts. It has highlighted the role of military power in safeguarding national security, compelling countries to review their international security environment, and increasing their urgency to build up their military force. While expressing their indignation on NATO's invasion, many people could ask this question: if Milosevic had nuclear weapons in his hand, would NATO dare to do what it did in Yugoslavia?
Furthermore, the war in Kosovo also reveals the hypocritical nature of some countries' non-proliferation policy. After witnessing the terrific performance of various kinds of sophisticated cruise missiles and smart bombs in Yugoslavia, few people would believe that the missile non-proliferation policy hard-pushed by some countries is aimed at safeguarding international peace and security rather than preserving their own military superiority.
II. Substituting international cooperation with unilateralism will hamper the process of arms control and non-proliferation.
Non-proliferation of WMDs relies on the joint efforts by the international community. Non-proliferation can succeed only in the framework of cooperative security. No country, no matter how strong it is, can ensure the success of non-proliferation single-handedly or only with the help of a few allies. It has to have the cooperation of other countries, especially those militarily significant countries. Unilateralism and non-proliferation are fundamentally incompatible with each other. As a matter of fact, all the existing non-proliferation treaties and regimes are products of international cooperation rather than achievements of any individual state. Obviously, international cooperation in the field of non-proliferation is in the common interest of all countries. We, therefore, should treasure and maintain such cooperation.
However, some country, out of its own ambition for global dominance, deliberately puts such cooperation in jeopardy. It willfully interferes in others' internal affairs, expands and strengthens its military alliances, and adopts a policy of containment towards countries which it perceives as its "rivals" or "potential rivals". All this is aimed at preventing the rise of other powers, so as to preserve its status as the only superpower. At the same time, it takes advantage of its economic and scientific strength to develop national missile defence system, in an attempt to disrupt the global strategic balance, and to seek absolute security and hegemony for itself.
As is known to all, during the Cold War years, the ABM treaty constituted a cornerstone of global strategic stability, paving the way for the limitation and reduction of offensive strategic weapons between the US and the former Soviet Union. Despite the drastic changes in the international situation following the end of the Cold War, the crucial role of the ABM treaty to the international security remains unchanged. Pending the elimination of nuclear weapons, any substantive amendment to this treaty will undermine global strategic stability.
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It is true that what the ABM treaty maintains is "the balance of terror" and can only offer only relative security-not an ideal situation. However, given the strong proclivity of a superpower for the use of force, "the balance of terror" is certainly better than "the terror of imbalance", and relative security is better than absolute insecurity. Therefore, any violation of this treaty is bound to give rise to strong opposition from other countries, and will inevitably have severe negative impacts on international cooperation in arms control and non-proliferation. It may even result in a new round of arms race and more extensive proliferation of WMDs. This is in nobody's interest.
III. Double standards will weaken the impartiality and integrity of the international non-proliferation efforts.
The purpose of non-proliferation is to enhance the universal security of all countries. Only in such a way can non-proliferation efforts enjoy lasting viability. And non-proliferation should not become a tool for some countries to seek or maintain strategic and security advantages. On the issue of non-proliferation, as on other issues, all countries should be treated equally, while double standards and selfish criteria should be abandoned. Otherwise, non-proliferation efforts will lose the understanding and support of the international community. Some countries, however, formulate their non-proliferation policies entirely out of their own interests. When their friends and allies, or countries in which they have a major strategic and economic interest develop weapons of mass destruction and their delivery means, they either look the other way or adopt a policy of tacit consent or even connivance. As for those countries not to their liking or countries of different culture, custom or ideology, they never hesitate to impose economic sanctions or even take military actions even on most dubious grounds. This reflects the short-sightedness of these countries and their lack of a long-term strategy on the issue of non-proliferation, which they themselves advocate so vehemently. As a result, not only the international non-proliferation efforts will be harmed, the self-interests of these countries will ultimately be jeopardized as well.
IV. Concerning the implementation of treaty obligations, an attitude of leniency on oneself and stringency on others cannot but undermine the authority of international treaties of arms control and non-proliferation.
Everyone is equal before the law. And treaty obligations should be honored. These are some basic principles underlying a civilized world. Yet, some country takes a cynical view on arms control and non-proliferation treaties and their legal obligations undertaken therein. This is extremely disturbing. When a treaty was under negotiation, they pushed for a strict verification regime and quick conclusion of the treaty. After the treaty was concluded, it always keeps a vigilant eye on others to make sure that other countries comply with the treaty. When it comes to itself, it would delay or even reject the ratification of the same treaties. Even if it ratifies a treaty, it would pass certain domestic legislation, the content of which is tantamount to reservations on key articles of the treaty, in clear violation of treaty provisions. This inevitably casts doubts on its sincerity towards arms control and non-proliferation treaties and their negotiations. These acts seem to tell the world that, as a self-styled world leader, it is making law for others, which itself does not intend to abide by. １０６
Obviously this is something that is unacceptable for any country with any sense of national dignity. The international community does not need a self-styled leader like this, much less do we need a world police. Or even if we did, we should not allow him to be above the law. We have a saying in China: do not do unto others what you would not want others do to you. He who wants to lead the world should behave himself well first.
V. Contempt for and mistrust of multilateral arms control and non-proliferation treaties is detrimental to the authority and universality of non-proliferation regimes.
International arms control and non-proliferation treaties are multilaterally negotiated and reflect the common will of the international community. They constitute the legal basis of international non-proliferation efforts, therefore, should be the guiding principles for all its states parties. Every state party is obliged to preserve the authority of these treaties, which is in their own interest. However, some countries on the one hand spare no efforts in pushing for the conclusion of such treaties, and on the other hand demonstrate an attitude of contempt of, and mistrust for, the treaties' role in preventing the proliferation of WMDs.
This attitude is shown in two ways: first, these countries, when they have the suspicion that another country might be in violation of a treaty, instead of seeking clarification or inspection through the procedures set forth in the treaty, they always attempt to resolve the issue through mass media or by exerting pressure bilaterally. Secondly, after the treaty enters into force, they still keep the export control arrangements at variance with the treaty provisions. During the negotiations of some arms control treaties, such as the protocol to the Biological Weapons Convention, they even go so far as to refuse any discussion on the issue of export control, for fear that that would further erode the raison d'etre of a certain existing export control group.
The apparent reason for these countries doing this is, as they claimed, that the arms control and non-proliferation treaties are not effective in preventing the proliferation of WMDs. After succeeding in incorporating various obligations into the treaties, including very intrusive verification arrangements, they now claim that these treaties can not be truly effective. This logic is beyond our comprehension. Of course, the lack of efficiency may not be the real reason. There may be some other deeper considerations which are only known to themselves. But whatever the reasons are, this approach can only end up undermining the authority of the international arms control and non-proliferation treaties, depriving international non-proliferation efforts of a uniform criterion, and casting doubts over the significance and even necessity of negotiating new treaties.
VI. Emphasizing non-proliferation while neglecting peaceful uses will lose the support of the large number of developing countries for international non-proliferation efforts.
Non-proliferation of WMD and international cooperation in peaceful uses of technology are two sides of a coin. They complement rather than conflict with each other. Experience has shown that every major step forward in non-proliferation is closely linked to enhanced international cooperation in related science and technology. It is precisely on the basis of such an understanding that almost every arms control １０７
and non-proliferation treaty contains provisions on the international scientific and technological cooperation and exchanges.
Unfortunately, some Western countries while pursuing very vigorously on non-proliferation, take a very negative attitude towards international scientific and technological cooperation. During the negotiations of treaties, they always try to avoid undertaking obligations on technological cooperation or to weaken the relevant articles as much as they can. After the treaty takes effect, their performance in implementing these articles is evasive at best. Moreover, certain countries use non-proliferation as an excuse to block legitimate scientific and technological cooperation between other countries, and even resort to economic sanctions. If such practice is allowed to continue, international non-proliferation efforts will lose the support of the large number of developing countries, ultimately leading to the disintegration of the non-proliferation regimes.
In conclusion, let me emphasize that non-proliferation of WMDs is a long-term undertaking. With the rapid advancement of science and technology, the increasing globalization of world's economy and the quick expansion of Internet, it will be more and more difficult to achieve non-proliferation objectives. The fundamental way to prevent the proliferation of WMDs lies in the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of such weapons. Pending the attainment of this ultimate objective, it is necessary for the international community to take measures from two perspectives. First, efforts should be made to improve the international security environment, and to establish a fair and just new international political and economic order. Only in such a way can each and every country, large or small, rich or poor, strong or weak, with or without WMDs, enjoy a sense of security, thereby removing the incentives for countries to acquire and develop WMDs. Secondly, efforts should be made to enhance international cooperation in the area of non-proliferation, and to explore new solutions consistent with the new international situation on the basis of existing non-proliferation treaties. The success of non-proliferation does not hinge upon the containment and pressure policy of a few countries, but on the concerted efforts of the whole international community.
In about two weeks time, mankind will enter a new century and a new millennium. It is our sincere hope that all countries will take concrete steps to reduce and remove those negative elements that hamper progress in our fight against the proliferation of WMDs and put the international non-proliferation efforts on a healthy track. This will be in the interest of all countries.
Thank you.
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