詹佳佳:莱温斯基13年来首次公开演讲:22岁爱上了克林顿

时间:2024.5.3

詹佳佳莱温斯基13年来首次公开演讲22岁爱上了克林顿

詹佳佳莱温斯基13年来首次公开演讲22岁爱上了克林顿

莱温斯基13年来首次公开演讲:22岁爱上了克林顿

作者:詹佳佳

2014-10-22 第13期

莫妮卡?莱温斯基又重新进入了公众视线,为啥她的回归对有意参加20xx年总统大选的希拉里?克林顿是个坏消息?,

莫妮卡·莱温斯基

“我们开始吧。”

这是莫妮卡?莱温斯基周一开通推特账号后发布的第一条消息。她以这样的方式,打破了长达十几年的沉默,重新回到了公众的视线。她声称自己将发起一场运动,抵制网络暴力,而这也将很可能给有意参加20xx年美国总统大选的希拉里?克林顿沉重的一击。

19xx年,时为白宫实习生的莱温斯基与当时的美国总统比尔?克林顿发生性行为而爆出丑闻,此后,她就陷入了舆论的漩涡中。

莱温斯基回忆称,在与克林顿的丑闻爆出后,网络上流言四起,各种报道层出不穷。“我盯着电脑屏幕,整日大喊:“?天哪,上帝,我无法相信这一切,这根本不是事实!?”,她说,“我脑中唯一的念头是:我想死。”

之后,莱温斯基曾一度试图利用她的“坏名声。”她先是成为了一名手提包设计师,之后又主持了一档交友真人秀。后来,她搬到了英国, 取得了伦敦政治经济学院的社会心理学硕士学位。然而,公众对她的抨击却从未停止过,她一直处在阴影之中。

在重新进入公众视线之前,她也曾几次尝试“打破沉默”而发声。据《华盛顿邮报》报道,莱温斯基曾于19xx年出过一本书,讲述自己的私生活;20xx年,她接受了芭芭拉?沃尔特斯的采访;之后一直到20xx年,在开通推特账号之前,她又在《名利场》撰文,重提那宗轰动一时的丑闻。这些年以来,莱温斯基已成为“性丑闻”的代名词,其“重新发声”被视为一种明智之举。

前天,在《福布斯》杂志举办的“under 30”峰会上,莱温斯基致开幕词,发表了题为《莫妮卡?莱温斯基与互联网时代的名誉摧毁》的演讲,而这也是其十三年以来的首次公开演讲。她说,“我是?第一感染源?”,“我是被互联网彻底摧毁个人名誉的第一人!”

“那时没有脸书,没有推特,也没有Instagram,”她说,“但那时同样有流言蜚语,同样有新闻和娱乐网站,公众可以在上边评论,转发文章。当然,当时的网速很慢,但故事还是这样在世界上传开了。你可以认为,那就是?社交媒体?真正意义上的开端。”

“我在22岁的时候爱上了我的上司,”她在峰会上演讲时说,“只不过我的上司是美国总统,”莱温斯基说。“19xx年,我们开始了一段断断续续的关系,并持续了两年。当时,这就是我的全部。你可能会说,我生命中这一美好的部分只不过是泡沫。而且最糟糕的是,由于这段关系被曝光在大众面前,也给我带来了深深的伤害。 ”

谈及其为何又在媒体的重击之下重新站出来,莱温斯基称是因为罗格斯大学男学生泰勒?克莱门蒂的死深深触动了她。

克莱门蒂的大学室友将其与另一个男人在宿舍接吻的镜头用网络摄像头秘密地拍了下来。之后,他遭到了网友的攻击与谩骂。最终,18岁的克莱门蒂从乔治?华盛顿大桥上飞身跃下,结束了自己的生命。

“那场悲剧是我今天站在这里的主要原因之一,”莱温斯基说。“这件事触动了我和我的母亲。她情绪十分低落,开始时我还不知为什么。渐渐地,我意识到,她是想起了19xx年的事。那时,我时不时地就想自杀,她随时都可能失去我。而我,也很可能因受到羞辱而寻短见。”

莱温斯基同克莱门蒂的父母见了面—他们设立了泰勒?克莱门蒂基金,旨在帮助那些弱势青年,青年同性恋和他们的伴侣。她打算与那些网络暴力和网络人身攻击的受害人分享自己的故事。在为数众多的受害者中,54%的脸书使用者都说他们曾受网络暴力和网络人身攻击的困扰。最近,网络黑客将一些一线明星的裸照发到网上,这其中就包括詹妮弗?劳伦斯。这在提醒人们,网络暴力和人身攻击很常见,没有人能够不受影响。

“我自己熬过来了。现在我想做的就是帮助那些同样深受其害的人们,”她说。“我想好好?利用?我的痛苦,使我的过去有意义。”

那么莱温斯基为什么选择推特作为重新发声的工具呢?在推特上,她可以凭着自己的意愿,用自己的话与公众直接交流—那里没有编辑,没有操纵者,没有“网络长官”来对故事做改编,以符合他们的报道要求。

她称自己是“第一感染源”,并且重塑了自己的角色。之前,她是轰动一时的性丑闻的女主角,而现在,她以另一个女人的口吻将自己描述成网络暴力的受害者。这使她赢得了公众的信任与同情—而这也是她过去一直在苦苦追寻的东西。 现在,她的“付出”有了回报:在《福布斯》“under 30”峰会上,观众为她的演讲起立鼓掌;并且,她的推特账号已有了20000多粉丝。

但恐怕有一个人永远也不会成为莱温斯基的粉丝:那就是希拉里?克林顿。 现在,这位前第一夫人和美国国务卿正考虑着竞逐2016总统大选。而莱温斯基也已经暗示其不会像以往是选举周期一样,对未来的政治运动袖手旁观。

五月,在为《名利场》杂志写的一篇文章中,她说,是时候“绕开我的过去,阻止他人的未来”了。一些观察家认为莱温斯基此语把矛头指向了希拉里和她的政治野心。

莱温斯基的回归到底会对希拉里造成多大影响呢?希拉里是否应该参加竞选呢?

这绝不是什么小麻烦,但也还没安东尼?韦纳的离职事件那么严重。

对于希拉里来说,好消息是上周,她的团队回看了标有“莱温斯基”的文件档案。所幸,里边没有“新的炸弹”了。对可能参加20xx年大选的希拉里来说,这无疑是一种宽慰。

几年以来,为打造自己以家庭为重的形象,希拉里一直加班加点儿地工作。在她的新书《艰难的抉择》以及相关的杂志文章中,她谈到了她的成长,她与母亲的关系,她与女儿切尔西的生活以及她即将成为外婆的喜悦之情。

政治观察家们认为,此举是为了使希拉里看起来更有人情味儿,使人们忘记她丈夫的性丑闻,忘记丑闻给这个家庭和整个国家所造成的混乱,忘记比尔?克林顿曾经差一点儿就被弹劾掉(克林顿曾被众议院弹劾,但之后参议院否决掉了弹劾案)。

当被问及对莱温斯基五月在《名利场》杂志发表的文章有何看法时,希拉里告诉《人物周刊》,她并没有读那篇文章,并且说“我已经继续前进了。”

为了回归公众视线,莱温斯基是开通了推特,做了演讲,也发表了文章,但她所做的一切都“激励”着希拉里为可能到来的20xx年美国总统大选做准备。 ?


第二篇:克林顿就职演讲


Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal. 1

This ceremony is held in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring. 2

A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America. 3

When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change. 4

Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals—life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless. 5

Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American. 6 On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America. 7

And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism. 8

Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues. 9

Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people. 10

When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat. Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world. 11

Communications and commerce are global; investment is mobile; technology is almost magical; and ambition for a better life is now universal. We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth. 12

Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy. 13

This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it. But when most people are working harder for less; when others cannot work at all; when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small; when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom; and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead—we have not made change our friend. 14

We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps. But we have not done so. Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence. 15

Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths. And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people. We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us. 16

From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history. 17

Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time. Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time. Let us embrace it. 18

Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal. There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America. 19

And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift—a new season of American renewal has begun. 20

To renew America, we must be bold. 21

We must do what no generation has had to do before. We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt. And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity. 22

It will not be easy; it will require sacrifice. But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake. We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children. 23

Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity. We can do no less. Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is. Posterity is the world to come—the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility. 24

We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all. 25

It is t/yanjianggao/ime to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other. Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country. 26

To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy. 27

This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation. Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down,

forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way. 28

Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better. And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people. Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America. 29

Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called "bold, persistent experimentation," a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays. 30

Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs. 31

To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home. There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic—the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race—they affect us all. 32

Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable. Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers. Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make. 33 While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world. Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us. 34

When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act—with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary. The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve. 35

But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands. Across the world, we see them embraced—and we rejoice. Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom. Their cause is America's cause. 36

The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today. You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus. You have cast your votes in historic numbers. And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself. Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring. Now, we must do the work the season demands. 37

To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office. I ask the Congress to join with me. But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone. My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal. I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service—to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping

company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities. There is so much to be done—enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too. 38

In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth—we need each other. And we must care for one another. Today, we do more than celebrate America; we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America. 39

An idea born in revolution and renewed through 2 centuries of challenge. An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate, we—the fortunate and the unfortunate—might have been each other. An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity. An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward. 40

And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done. The scripture says, "And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not." 41

From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley. We have heard the trumpets. We have changed the guard. And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call. 42

Thank you and God bless you all.

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"My fellow citizens, tonight is my last opportunity to speak to you from thing me the honor to serve, to work for you and with you to prepare our nation for the 21st century. And I'm grateful to Vice President Gore, to my Cabinet secretaries, and to all those who have served with me for the last eight years. This has been a time of dramatic transformation, and you have risen to every new challenge. You have made our social fabric stronger, our families healthier and safer, our people more prosperous.

You, the American people, have made our passage into the global information age an era of great American renewal.

In all the work I have done as president, every decision I have made, every executive action I have taken, every bill I have proposed and signed, I've tried to give all Americans the tools and conditions to build the future of our dreams,

in a good society, with a strong economy, a cleaner environment, and a freer, safer, more prosperous world.

I have steered my course by our enduring valuess. Opportunity for all. Responsibility from all. A community of all Americans. I have sought to give America a new kind of government, smaller, more modern, more effective, full of ideas and policies appropriate to this new time, always putting people first, always focusing on the future.

Working together, America has done well. Our economy is breaking records, with more than 22 million new jobs, the lowest unemployment in 30 years, the highest home ownership ever, the longest expansion in history.

Our families and communities are stronger. Thirty-five million Americans have used the family leave law. Eight million have moved off welfare. Crime is at a 25-year low. Over 10 million Americans receive more college aid, and more people than ever are going to college. Our schools are better -- higher standards, greater accountability and larger investments have brought higher test scores, and higher graduation rates.

More than three million children have health insurance now, and more than 7 million Americans have been lifted out of poverty. Incomes are rising across the board. Our air and water are cleaner. Our food and drinking water are safer. And more of our precious land has been preserved, in the continental United States, than at anytime in 100 years.

America has been a force for peace and prosperity in every corner of the globe. I'm very grateful to be able to turn over the reins of leadership to a new president, with America in such a strong position to meet the challenges of the future.

Tonight, I want to leave you with three thoughts about our future. First, America must maintain our record of fiscal responsibility. Through our last four budgets, we've turned record deficits to record surpluses, and we've been able to pay down $600 billion of our national debt, on track to be debt free by the end of the decade for the first time since 1835.

Staying on that course will bring lower interest rates, greater prosperity and the opportunity to meet our big challenges. If we choose wisely, we can pay down the debt, deal with the retirement of the baby boomers, invest more in our future and provide tax relief.

Second, because the world is more connected every day in every way, America's security and prosperity require us to continue to lead in the world. At this remarkable moment in history, more people live in freedom that ever before. Our alliances are stronger than ever. People all around the world look to America to be a force for peace and prosperity, freedom and security. The

global economy is giving more of our own people, and billions around the world, the chance to work and live and raise their families with dignity.

But the forces of integration that have created these good opportunities also make us more subject to global forces of destruction, to terrorism, organized crime and narco-trafficking, the spread of deadly weapons and disease, the degradation of the global environment.

The expansion of trade hasn't fully closed the gap between those of us who live on the cutting edge of the global economy and the billions around the world who live on the knife's edge of survival. This global gap requires more than compassion. It requires action. Global poverty is a powder keg that could be ignited by our indifference.

In his first inaugural address, Thomas Jefferson warned of entangling alliances. But in our times, America cannot and must not disentangle itself from the world. If we want the world to embody our shared valuess, then we must assume a shared responsibility.

If the wars of the 20th century, especially the recent ones in Kosovo and Bosnia, have taught us anything, it is that we achieve our aims by defending our valuess and leading the forces of freedom and peace. We must embrace boldly and resolutely that duty to lead, to stand with our allies in word and deed, and to put a human face on the global economy so that expanded trade benefits all people in all nations, lifting lives and hopes all across the world.

Third, we must remember that America cannot lead in the world unless here at home we weave the threads of our coat of many colors into the fabric of one America. As we become ever more diverse, we must work harder to unite around our common valuess and our common humanity.

We must work harder to overcome our differences. In our hearts and in our laws, we must treat all our people with fairness and dignity, regardless of their race, religion, gender or sexual orientation and regardless of when they arrived in our country, always moving toward the more perfect union of our founders' dreams. Hillary, Chelsea and I join all Americans in wishing our very best to the next president, George W. Bush, to his family and his administration in meeting these challenges and in leading freedom's march in this new century.

As for me, I'll leave the presidency more idealistic, more full of hope than the day I arrived and more confident than ever that America's best days lie ahead. My days in this office are nearly through, but my days of service, I hope, are not. In the years ahead, I will never hold a position higher or a covenant more sacred than that of president of the United States. But there is no title I will wear more proudly than that of citizen.

Thank you. God bless you, and God bless America."

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