威斯敏斯特教堂墓志铭英文版：

When I was young and free and my imagination had no limits, I dreamed of changing the world. As I grew older and wiser, I discovered the world would not change, so I shortened my sights somewhat and decided to change only my country. But it, too, seemed immovable.As I grew into my twilight years, in one last desperate attempt, I settled for changing only my family, those closest to me, but alas, they would have none of it.

And now, as I lie on my deathbed, I suddenly realize: If I had only changed myself first, then by example I would have changed my family.From their inspiration and encouragement, I would then have been able to better my country, and who knows, I may have even changed the world.

威斯敏斯特教堂墓志铭中文版:

当我年轻的时候，我梦想改变这个世界；

当我成熟以后，我发现我不能够改变这个世界，我将目光缩短了些，决定只改变我的国家；

当我进入暮年以后，我发现我不能够改变我们的国家，我的最后愿望仅仅是改变一下我的家庭，但是，这也不可能。

当我现在躺在床上，行将就木时，我突然意识到：如果

一开始我仅仅去改变我自己，然后，我可能改变我的家庭；

在家人的帮助和鼓励下，我可能为国家做一些事情； 然后，谁知道呢?我甚至可能改变这个世界。

感悟：

这段文字令世界许多政要都感慨不已。当年轻的曼德拉看到这段墓文时，顿然如醍醐灌顶，觉得从中找到了改变南非甚至整个世界的金钥匙。回到南非后,这个志向远大，原本赞同以暴抗暴来填平种族歧视鸿沟的黑人青年，一下子改变了自己的思想和处世风格，他从改变自己，改变自己的家庭和亲朋好友着手，最终改变了他的国家。人不能改变环境，但可以改变思路；人不能改变别人，但可以改变自己。

真的，要想撬起这个世界，它的最终支点不是整个地球，不是一个国家、一个民族，也不是别人，它的最佳支点只能是自己的心灵。要想改变世界，你必须从改变你自己开始。要想撬起世界，你必须把支点选在自己的心灵上。

第二篇：奥巴马在威斯敏斯特教堂对英国国会的演讲

Obama’s Address to British Parliament

25 May 2011

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary

May 25, 2011

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT TO PARLIAMENT

Westminster Hall

London, United Kingdom

3:47 P.M. BST

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. Thank you. (Applause.)

My Lord Chancellor, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, my lords, and members of the House of Commons:

I have known few greater honors than the opportunity to address the Mother of Parliaments at Westminster Hall. I am told that the last three speakers here have been the Pope, Her Majesty the Queen, and Nelson Mandela -- which is either a very high bar or the beginning of a very funny joke. (Laughter.)

I come here today to reaffirm one of the oldest, one of the strongest alliances the world has ever known. It‘s long been said that the United States and the United Kingdom share a special relationship. And since we also share an especially active press corps, that relationship is often analyzed and overanalyzed for the slightest hint of stress or strain.

Of course, all relationships have their ups and downs. Admittedly, ours got off on the wrong foot with a small scrape about tea and taxes. (Laughter.) There may also have been some hurt feelings when the White House was set on fire during the War of 1812. (Laughter.) But fortunately, it‘s been smooth sailing ever since.

The reason for this close friendship doesn‘t just have to do with our shared history, our shared heritage; our ties of language and culture; or even the strong partnership between our governments. Our relationship is special because of the values and beliefs that have united our people through the ages.

Centuries ago, when kings, emperors, and warlords reigned over much of the world, it was the English who first spelled out the rights and liberties of man in the Magna Carta. It was here, in this very hall, where the rule of law first developed, courts were established, disputes were settled, and citizens came to petition their leaders.

Over time, the people of this nation waged a long and sometimes bloody struggle to expand and secure their freedom from the crown. Propelled by the ideals of the Enlightenment, they would ultimately forge an English Bill of Rights, and invest the power to govern in an elected parliament that‘s gathered here today.

What began on this island would inspire millions throughout the continent of Europe and across the world. But perhaps no one drew greater inspiration from these notions of freedom than your rabble-rousing colonists on the other side of the Atlantic. As Winston Churchill said, the ―…Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.‖

For both of our nations, living up to the ideals enshrined in these founding documents has sometimes been difficult, has always been a work in progress. The path has never been perfect. But through the struggles of slaves and immigrants, women and ethnic minorities, former colonies and persecuted religions, we have learned better than most that the longing for freedom and human dignity is not English or American or Western –- it is universal, and it beats in every heart. Perhaps that‘s why there are few nations that stand firmer, speak louder, and fight harder to defend democratic values around the world than the United States and the United Kingdom.

We are the allies who landed at Omaha and Gold, who sacrificed side by side to free a

continent from the march of tyranny, and help prosperity flourish from the ruins of war. And with the founding of NATO –- a British idea –- we joined a transatlantic alliance that has ensured our security for over half a century.

Together with our allies, we forged a lasting peace from a cold war. When the Iron Curtain lifted, we expanded our alliance to include the nations of Central and Eastern Europe, and built new bridges to Russia and the former states of the Soviet Union. And when there was strife in the Balkans, we worked together to keep the peace.

Today, after a difficult decade that began with war and ended in recession, our nations have arrived at a pivotal moment once more. A global economy that once stood on the brink of depression is now stable and recovering. After years of conflict, the United States has removed 100,000 troops from Iraq, the United Kingdom has removed its forces, and our combat mission there has ended. In Afghanistan, we‘ve broken the Taliban‘s momentum and will soon begin a transition to Afghan lead. And nearly 10 years after 9/11, we have disrupted terrorist networks and dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader –- Osama bin Laden. Together, we have met great challenges. But as we enter this new chapter in our shared history, profound challenges stretch before us. In a world where the prosperity of all nations is now inextricably linked, a new era of cooperation is required to ensure the growth and stability of the global economy. As new threats spread across borders and oceans, we must dismantle terrorist networks and stop the spread of nuclear weapons, confront climate

change and combat famine and disease. And as a revolution races through the streets of the Middle East and North Africa, the entire world has a stake in the aspirations of a generation that longs to determine its own destiny.

These challenges come at a time when the international order has already been reshaped for a new century. Countries like China, India, and Brazil are growing by leaps and bounds. We should welcome this development, for it has lifted hundreds of millions from poverty around the globe, and created new markets and opportunities for our own nations.

And yet, as this rapid change has taken place, it‘s become fashionable in some quarters to question whether the rise of these nations will accompany the decline of American and

European influence around the world. Perhaps, the argument goes, these nations represent the future, and the time for our leadership has passed.

That argument is wrong. The time for our leadership is now. It was the United States and the United Kingdom and our democratic allies that shaped a world in which new nations could emerge and individuals could thrive. And even as more nations take on the responsibilities of global leadership, our alliance will remain indispensable to the goal of a century that is more peaceful, more prosperous and more just.

At a time when threats and challenges require nations to work in concert with one another, we remain the greatest catalysts for global action. In an era defined by the rapid flow of commerce and information, it is our free market tradition, our openness, fortified by our commitment to basic security for our citizens, that offers the best chance of prosperity that is both strong and shared. As millions are still denied their basic human rights because of who they are, or what they believe, or the kind of government that they live under, we are the nations most willing to stand up for the values of tolerance and self-determination that lead to peace and dignity.

Now, this doesn‘t mean we can afford to stand still. The nature of our leadership will need to change with the times. As I said the first time I came to London as President, for the G20 summit, the days are gone when Roosevelt and Churchill could sit in a room and solve the world‘s problems over a glass of brandy -– although I‘m sure that Prime Minister Cameron would agree that some days we could both use a stiff drink. (Laughter.) In this century, our joint leadership will require building new partnerships, adapting to new circumstances, and remaking ourselves to meet the demands of a new era.

That begins with our economic leadership.

Adam Smith‘s central insight remains true today: There is no greater generator of wealth and innovation than a system of free enterprise that unleashes the full potential of individual men and women. That‘s what led to the Industrial Revolution that began in the factories of

Manchester. That is what led to the dawn of the Information Age that arose from the office parks of Silicon Valley. That‘s why countries like China, India and Brazil are growing so rapidly -- because in fits and starts, they are moving toward market-based principles that the United States and the United Kingdom have always embraced.

In other words, we live in a global economy that is largely of our own making. And today, the competition for the best jobs and industries favors countries that are free-thinking and forward-looking; countries with the most creative and innovative and entrepreneurial citizens.

That gives nations like the United States and the United Kingdom an inherent advantage. For from Newton and Darwin to Edison and Einstein, from Alan Turing to Steve Jobs, we have led the world in our commitment to science and cutting-edge research, the discovery of new medicines and technologies. We educate our citizens and train our workers in the best

colleges and universities on Earth. But to maintain this advantage in a world that‘s more competitive than ever, we will have to redouble our investments in science and engineering, and renew our national commitments to educating our workforces.

We‘ve also been reminded in the last few years that markets can sometimes fail. In the last century, both our nations put in place regulatory frameworks to deal with such market

failures -- safeguards to protect the banking system after the Great Depression, for example; regulations that were established to prevent the pollution of our air and water during the 1970s.

But in today‘s economy, such threats of market failure can no longer be contained within the borders of any one country. Market failures can go global, and go viral, and demand international responses.

A financial crisis that began on Wall Street infected nearly every continent, which is why we must keep working through forums like the G20 to put in place global rules of the road to prevent future excesses and abuse. No country can hide from the dangers of carbon pollution, which is why we must build on what was achieved at Copenhagen and Cancun to leave our children a planet that is safer and cleaner.

Moreover, even when the free market works as it should, both our countries recognize that no matter how responsibly we live in our lives, hard times or bad luck, a crippling illness or a layoff may strike any one of us. And so part of our common tradition has expressed itself in a conviction that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security -– health care if you get sick, unemployment insurance if you lose your job, a dignified retirement after a lifetime of hard work. That commitment to our citizens has also been the reason for our leadership in the world.

And now, having come through a terrible recession, our challenge is to meet these obligations while ensuring that we‘re not consuming -- and hence consumed with -- a level of debt that could sap the strength and vitality of our economies. And that will require difficult choices and it will require different paths for both of our countries. But we have faced such challenges before, and have always been able to balance the need for fiscal responsibility with the responsibilities we have to one another.

And I believe we can do this again. As we do, the successes and failures of our own past can serve as an example for emerging economies -– that it‘s possible to grow without polluting; that lasting prosperity comes not from what a nation consumes, but from what it produces, and from the investments it makes in its people and its infrastructure.

And just as we must lead on behalf of the prosperity of our citizens, so we must safeguard their security. Our two nations know what it is to confront evil in the world. Hitler‘s armies would not have stopped their killing had we not fought them on the beaches and on the landing grounds, in the fields and on the streets. We must never forget that there was nothing inevitable about our victory in that terrible war. It was won through the courage and character of our people.

Precisely because we are willing to bear its burden, we know well the cost of war. And that is why we built an alliance that was strong enough to defend this continent while deterring our enemies. At its core, NATO is rooted in the simple concept of Article Five: that no NATO nation will have to fend on its own; that allies will stand by one another, always. And for six decades, NATO has been the most successful alliance in human history.

Today, we confront a different enemy. Terrorists have taken the lives of our citizens in New York and in London. And while al Qaeda seeks a religious war with the West, we must

remember that they have killed thousands of Muslims -– men, women and children -– around the globe. Our nations are not and will never be at war with Islam. Our fight is focused on defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies. In that effort, we will not relent, as Osama bin Laden and his followers have learned. And as we fight an enemy that respects no law of war, we will continue to hold ourselves to a higher standard -– by living up to the values, the rule of law and due process that we so ardently defend.

For almost a decade, Afghanistan has been a central front of these efforts. Throughout those years, you, the British people, have been a stalwart ally, along with so many others who fight by our side.

Together, let us pay tribute to all of our men and women who have served and sacrificed over the last several years -– for they are part of an unbroken line of heroes who have borne the heaviest burden for the freedoms that we enjoy. Because of them, we have broken the

Taliban‘s momentum. Because of them, we have built the capacity of Afghan security forces. And because of them, we are now preparing to turn a corner in Afghanistan by transitioning to Afghan lead. And during this transition, we will pursue a lasting peace with those who break free of al Qaeda and respect the Afghan constitution and lay down arms. And we will ensure that Afghanistan is never a safe haven for terror, but is instead a country that is strong, sovereign, and able to stand on its own two feet.

Indeed, our efforts in this young century have led us to a new concept for NATO that will give us the capabilities needed to meet new threats -- threats like terrorism and piracy, cyber attacks and ballistic missiles. But a revitalized NATO will continue to hew to that original vision of its founders, allowing us to rally collective action for the defense of our people, while building upon the broader belief of Roosevelt and Churchill that all nations have both rights and responsibilities, and all nations share a common interest in an international architecture that maintains the peace.

We also share a common interest in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Across the globe, nations are locking down nuclear materials so they never fall into the wrong hands -- because of our leadership. From North Korea to Iran, we‘ve sent a message that those who flaunt their obligations will face consequences -– which is why America and the European Union just recently strengthened our sanctions on Iran, in large part because of the leadership of the United Kingdom and the United States. And while we hold others to account, we will meet our own obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and strive for a world without nuclear weapons.

We share a common interest in resolving conflicts that prolong human suffering and threaten to tear whole regions asunder. In Sudan, after years of war and thousands of deaths, we call on both North and South to pull back from the brink of violence and choose the path of peace. And in the Middle East, we stand united in our support for a secure Israel and a sovereign Palestine.

And we share a common interest in development that advances dignity and security. To succeed, we must cast aside the impulse to look at impoverished parts of the globe as a place for charity. Instead, we should empower the same forces that have allowed our own people to thrive: We should help the hungry to feed themselves, the doctors who care for the sick. We should support countries that confront corruption, and allow their people to innovate. And we should advance the truth that nations prosper when they allow women and girls to reach their full potential.

We do these things because we believe not simply in the rights of nations; we believe in the rights of citizens. That is the beacon that guided us through our fight against fascism and our twilight struggle against communism. And today, that idea is being put to the test in the Middle East and North Africa. In country after country, people are mobilizing to free

themselves from the grip of an iron fist. And while these movements for change are just six months old, we have seen them play out before -– from Eastern Europe to the Americas, from South Africa to Southeast Asia.

History tells us that democracy is not easy. It will be years before these revolutions reach their conclusion, and there will be difficult days along the way. Power rarely gives up without a fight -– particularly in places where there are divisions of tribe and divisions of sect. We also know that populism can take dangerous turns -– from the extremism of those who would use democracy to deny minority rights, to the nationalism that left so many scars on this continent in the 20th century.

But make no mistake: What we saw, what we are seeing in Tehran, in Tunis, in Tahrir Square, is a longing for the same freedoms that we take for granted here at home. It was a rejection of the notion that people in certain parts of the world don‘t want to be free, or need to have democracy imposed upon them. It was a rebuke to the worldview of al Qaeda, which

smothers the rights of individuals, and would thereby subject them to perpetual poverty and violence.

Let there be no doubt: The United States and United Kingdom stand squarely on the side of those who long to be free. And now, we must show that we will back up those words with deeds. That means investing in the future of those nations that transition to democracy, starting with Tunisia and Egypt -– by deepening ties of trade and commerce; by helping them demonstrate that freedom brings prosperity. And that means standing up for universal rights -– by sanctioning those who pursue repression, strengthening civil society, supporting the rights of minorities.

We do this knowing that the West must overcome suspicion and mistrust among many in the Middle East and North Africa -– a mistrust that is rooted in a difficult past. For years, we‘ve faced charges of hypocrisy from those who do not enjoy the freedoms that they hear us

espouse. And so to them, we must squarely acknowledge that, yes, we have enduring

interests in the region -– to fight terror, sometimes with partners who may not be perfect; to protect against disruptions of the world‘s energy supply. But we must also insist that we reject as false the choice between our interests and our ideals; between stability and

democracy. For our idealism is rooted in the realities of history -– that repression offers only the false promise of stability, that societies are more successful when their citizens are free, and that democracies are the closest allies we have.

It is that truth that guides our action in Libya. It would have been easy at the outset of the crackdown in Libya to say that none of this was our business -– that a nation‘s sovereignty is more important than the slaughter of civilians within its borders. That argument carries weight with some. But we are different. We embrace a broader responsibility. And while we cannot stop every injustice, there are circumstances that cut through our caution -– when a leader is threatening to massacre his people, and the international community is calling for action. That‘s why we stopped a massacre in Libya. And we will not relent until the people of Libya are protected and the shadow of tyranny is lifted.

We will proceed with humility, and the knowledge that we cannot dictate every outcome abroad. Ultimately, freedom must be won by the people themselves, not imposed from without. But we can and must stand with those who so struggle. Because we have always believed that the future of our children and grandchildren will be better if other people‘s children and grandchildren are more prosperous and more free -– from the beaches of

Normandy to the Balkans to Benghazi. That is our interests and our ideals. And if we fail to meet that responsibility, who would take our place, and what kind of world would we pass on? Our action -– our leadership -– is essential to the cause of human dignity. And so we must act -– and lead -– with confidence in our ideals, and an abiding faith in the character of our people, who sent us all here today.

For there is one final quality that I believe makes the United States and the United Kingdom indispensable to this moment in history. And that is how we define ourselves as nations. Unlike most countries in the world, we do not define citizenship based on race or ethnicity. Being American or British is not about belonging to a certain group; it‘s about believing in a certain set of ideals -- the rights of individuals, the rule of law. That is why we hold incredible diversity within our borders. That‘s why there are people around the world right now who believe that if they come to America, if they come to New York, if they come to London, if they work hard, they can pledge allegiance to our flag and call themselves Americans; if they come to England, they can make a new life for themselves and can sing God Save The Queen just like any other citizen.

Yes, our diversity can lead to tension. And throughout our history there have been heated debates about immigration and assimilation in both of our countries. But even as these debates can be difficult, we fundamentally recognize that our patchwork heritage is an

enormous strength -- that in a world which will only grow smaller and more interconnected, the example of our two nations says it is possible for people to be united by their ideals, instead of divided by their differences; that it‘s possible for hearts to change and old hatreds

to pass; that it‘s possible for the sons and daughters of former colonies to sit here as

members of this great Parliament, and for the grandson of a Kenyan who served as a cook in the British Army to stand before you as President of the United States. (Applause.)

That is what defines us. That is why the young men and women in the streets of Damascus and Cairo still reach for the rights our citizens enjoy, even if they sometimes differ with our policies. As two of the most powerful nations in the history of the world, we must always remember that the true source of our influence hasn‘t just been the size of our economies, or the reach of our militaries, or the land that we‘ve claimed. It has been the values that we must never waver in defending around the world -- the idea that all beings are endowed by our Creator with certain rights that cannot be denied.

That is what forged our bond in the fire of war -- a bond made manifest by the friendship between two of our greatest leaders. Churchill and Roosevelt had their differences. They were keen observers of each other‘s blind spots and shortcomings, if not always their own, and they were hard-headed about their ability to remake the world. But what joined the fates of these two men at that particular moment in history was not simply a shared interest in victory on the battlefield. It was a shared belief in the ultimate triumph of human freedom and human dignity -– a conviction that we have a say in how this story ends.

This conviction lives on in their people today. The challenges we face are great. The work before us is hard. But we have come through a difficult decade, and whenever the tests and trials ahead may seem too big or too many, let us turn to their example, and the words that Churchill spoke on the day that Europe was freed:

―In the long years to come, not only will the people of this island but…the world, wherever the bird of freedom chirps in [the] human heart, look back to what we‘ve done, and they will say ?do not despair, do not yield…march straightforward‘.‖

With courage and purpose, with humility and with hope, with faith in the promise of tomorrow, let us march straightforward together, enduring allies in the cause of a world that is more peaceful, more prosperous, and more just.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

END 4:21 P.M. BST

奥巴马总统在英国议会发表讲话 (全文)

2011.05.25

白宫

新闻秘书办公室

20xx年5月25日

奥巴马总统在英国议会发表讲话

威斯敏斯特厅（Westminster Hall）

英国 伦敦（London, England）

英国夏令时间下午3:47

奥巴马总统：谢谢。非常感谢诸位。谢谢你们。（掌声）

尊敬的大法官先生、议长先生、首相先生、上议院和下议院各位议员：

我知道，能有机会在威斯敏斯特厅向议会之母发表讲演是我无尚的荣誉。我听说此前来这里发表讲演的三位是教皇（the Pope）、女王陛下（Her Majesty the Queen）和纳尔逊·曼德拉（Nelson Mandela）-- 这说明规格之高非同一般，也可能让人因此成为笑柄。（笑声）

我今天来到这里，再次肯定全世界有史以来最古老、最牢固的联盟关系之一。人们很早就说，美国和英国有着特殊的关系。而且，由于我们都有特别活跃的记者团，这种关系往往被分析来分析去，试图发现说明关系紧异样的极为微小的蛛丝马迹。

当然，所有的关系都有起有落。诚然，我们的关系出师不利，为了茶叶和税务撕破了一点脸皮。（笑声）当白宫在1812年战争期间被大火焚烧的时候，感情也可能受到一些伤害。（笑声）但幸运的是，从此以后就一帆风顺了。

建立这种亲密的友谊，原因并不仅仅因为我们有共同的历史、共同的传统；我们的语言和文化联系，甚至也包括我们政府之间牢固的伙伴关系。我们的关系是特殊的，因为有将我们世世代代的人民团结在一起的价值观和信仰。

几个世纪前，当国王、皇帝和军阀主宰世界大部分地区的时候，是英国人在《大宪章》（Magna Carta）里首先阐明了人的权利和自由。正是在这里，在这个大厅里，法治首建其功，法庭得以建立，纠纷获得解决，公民前来向他们的领导人请愿。

随着时间的推移，这个国家的人民发动了一场长期、有时血腥的斗争，以扩大和保证他们与王权抗争获得的自由。在启蒙运动（Enlightenment）的理想推动下，他们经过千辛万苦最终制定了英国《权利法案》（English Bill of Rights），把治理的权利交给了延续至今在此举行会议的民选议会。

在这个岛上开创的事业激励了整个欧洲大陆乃至全世界的亿万人民。但从这些自由的概念中获取了最大灵感的或许莫过于大西洋彼岸那些发动民众的英国殖民地居民。正如温斯顿·丘吉尔（Winston Churchill)所说，―...大宪章、权利法案、人身保护令（Habeas Corpus）、陪审团制度和英国普通法都可以在美国《独立宣言》（Declaration of Independence）中找到了最经典的表述。‖

对我们两国来说，要实现庄严地载入这些建国文献中的理想有时是困难的，这历来是一个不断进步的过程。道路从来不可能总是平坦的通途。但是通过奴隶和移民、妇女和少数族裔、前殖民地和受迫害的各类宗教的艰苦奋斗，我们比大多数人都更了解，对自由和尊严的渴望并不专属于英国人或美国人或西方——这是举世皆然的要求，敲击着每一个人的心灵。也许这就是为什么没有哪一个国家能像美国和英国那样能以如此坚定的立场、如此洪亮的声音、如此艰苦奋斗的精神在全世界各地捍卫民主的价值。

我们是在奥马哈（Omaha）和戈尔德（Gold）滩头登陆的盟友，我们以献身的精神并肩战斗，从暴政的铁蹄下解救了整个大陆，帮助人们在战争的废墟上建设繁荣。随着北约的创立--根据英国的建议--我们联合成了一个跨大西洋联盟，半个多世纪以来确保了我们的安全。

同我们的盟友一起，我们经历了冷战，缔造了持久和平。当铁幕被打破的时候，我们扩大了我们的联盟，纳入了东欧和中欧国家，建立了与俄罗斯和前苏联加盟共和国交往的新桥梁。在巴尔干地区燃起战火的时候，我们共同努力维持和平。

今天，在经历了从战争开始到以衰退为终点的艰难的10年后，我们两国又再次进入了一个关键时刻。曾经濒临萧条的全球经济现已趋于稳定并正在复苏。经过多年的战事，美国从伊拉克撤出了10万军队，英国也撤出了自己的军队，我们在伊拉克的作战任务已经结束。在阿富汗，我们遏阻了塔利班的扩张势头，不久将向由阿富汗主导的方向过渡。在 9.11 事件发生将近10年后，我们瓦解了恐怖主义网络，击毙了恐怖主义头子乌萨马?本?拉丹（Osama bin Laden），给予―基地‖组织沉重的打击。

我们共同应对了重大的挑战。但在我们掀开两国共同历史这一新篇章的时刻，各种严峻的挑战展现在我们的面前。

在一个各国的繁荣已不可分割地紧密相连的世界，必须开创合作的新时代确保全球经济的增长和稳定。随着新的威胁跨越国界和海洋四处蔓延，我们必须摧毁恐怖主义网络，制止核武器扩散；应对气候变化，抗击饥饿和疾病。当革命浪潮席卷中东和北非各国的街头之时，这一代人渴望自己决定命运的呼声与全世界息息相关。

这些挑战产生于一个新世纪的国际秩序已被重新塑造的时期。中国、印度和巴西等国家正在突飞猛进地发展。我们应该欢迎这一发展，因为它使全球亿万人民摆脱了贫困，并为我们自己的国家开拓了新市场和新机会。

然而，随着快速变化的发生，在某些地方出现了一些已成为时髦的质疑，声称伴随着这些国家崛起，美欧在全世界影响力是否会走向衰落。这种论点认为，也许这些国家代表着未来，我们发挥领导作用的时代已经过去。

但这种论点是错误的。现在正是我们发挥领导作用的时候。正是美国、英国和我们的民主同盟国家塑造了新兴国家得以崛起和个人得以发展的世界。即便在更多国家能够承担全球领导责任之时，为了使这个世纪实现更和平、更繁荣和更公正的目标，我们的同盟依然必不可少。

在威胁与挑战要求各国必须携手努力，相互协调之时，我们依然是全球行动最大的推动力量。在一个以商务和信息的迅速流通为特征的时代，我们的自由市场传统、我们的开放性，同时我们承诺保障我们公民的基本安全，以此作为坚强的后盾，为强大的共同繁荣创造了最好的机会。由于亿万人民因他们的身份、他们的信仰或统治他们的政府的属性而被剥夺了基本人权，我们这些国家最积极地要求维护有助于实现和平与尊严的包容和自决的价值观。

这不意味着我们可以停步不前。我们的领导作用的性质需顺应时代的要求。如我首次作为总统前来伦敦出席20国集团（G20）峰会时所说，罗斯福（Roosevelt）和丘吉尔（Churchill）可以坐在房间里喝着白兰地解决世界上存在的问题，这个时代已经过去——尽管我想卡梅伦（Cameron）首相一定会同意，什么时候我们也可以来点烈性酒。在这个世纪，我们的共同领导作用将要求我们建立新的伙伴关系，适应新的情况，为符合新时代的要求调整我们自己。

首先谈谈我们在经济领域的领导作用。

亚当·斯密（Adam Smith）的核心见解在今天仍然是正确的：一个能够全部发挥男性和女性的个人潜能的自由企业制度是带来财富和创新的最有力的引擎。正是它引发了在曼彻斯特（Manchester）的工厂中兴起的工业革命（Industrial Revolution）。正是它催发了从硅谷（Silicon Valley）的办公园区开始的信息时代的黎明。中国、印度和巴西等国正在如此迅猛地发展的原因恰恰在于，他们时断时续地在向美国和英国一贯推行的以市场为导向的原则迈进。

换言之，我们现在的全球经济基本上是由我们自己所为。今天，思想自由、向前看的国家在竞争最好的工作和产业时处于有利地位，这些国家拥有最具创造力、创新性和创业精神的公民。

这使美国和英国等国享有一种内在的优势。因为我们以我们对科学和尖端研究、对开发新药和新技术的全力投入引领世界：从牛顿（Newton ）和达尔文（Darwin）到爱迪生(Edison)和爱因斯坦（Einstein），从阿兰·图灵（Alan Turing）到史蒂夫·乔布斯（Steve Jobs）。我们在地球上最好的高等院校中让我们的公民受到教育，让我们的劳动者得到培训。但要在一个竞争日益激烈的世界里保持这种优势，我们必须加倍投资于科学和工程领域，并重新推动国家培训劳动大军的努力。

我们也在最近几年中再次认识到，市场有时会失灵。上个世纪，我们两国都建立了应对这类市场失灵的框架——例如，在大萧条（Great Depression）过后建立的保护银行系统的保障措施，以及19xx年代确立的保护我们的空气和水不受污染的监管措施。

但在当今的经济形势下，上述威胁已不可能被遏制在任何一国的国境之内。市场失灵的情况可能波及全球并迅速蔓延，必须采取国际性举措予以应对。从华尔街开始的金融危机波及几乎各大洲，因此，我们必须通过G20这样的论坛继续努力，确立全球性的通行规则，以防今后再出现过度行为和滥用现象。没有任何一个国家能够躲过碳污染之害，因此，我们必须巩固在哥本哈根(Copenhagen)和坎昆(Cancun)取得的成果，让我们的子孙拥有一个更安全、更清洁的星球。

此外，即使是在自由市场正常运转的时候，我们两国也都认识到，不论我们在生活中多么认真尽责，任何人都可能遇到困境或不幸，都可能被疾病缠身或遭到解雇。因此，我们的一个共同传统体现在这样一个信念之中：每位公民都应享有基本的安全保障——生病时有医疗服务，失业时有失业保险，在毕生辛勤工作后有体面的退休生活。我们对公民的这一承诺也是我们能在全世界发挥领导作用的原因之一。

现在，在经历了严重的经济衰退后，我们今天的挑战是履行这些义务，同时确保我们的消费不会导致债务缠身，以致可能削弱我们的经济力量与活力。这将需要我们做出艰难的抉择并要求我们两国都采取不同的路线。但是我们过去曾面对过这样的挑战，并始终能够兼顾财政责任的需要与我们相互承担的责任。 我认为，我们能够再次这么做。在这样做的时候，我们自身成功与失败的经历能够成为新兴经济体的借鉴——实现增长而不造成污染是可能的；持久的繁荣并非来自于一个国家的消费，而是来自于它的产出，来自于它对自己的人民和基础建设进行的投资。

正如我们必须为我们公民的繁荣发展发挥领导作用一样，我们也必须为他们提供保障。

我们两国都懂得与世上邪恶作斗争的意味。如果不是我们在海滩和登陆点、在田野或街巷与希特勒的军队作战，他们是不会停止杀戮的。我们绝不能忘记我们在那场可怕的战争中获胜并非必然——胜利是靠我们人民的勇气和品格才赢得的。

恰恰因为我们愿意承担战争的重负，我们因此深知战争的代价。正因为如此，我们建立了足以捍卫这个大陆并同时遏制我们的敌人的强大联盟。建立北约（NATO）的核心基础是第五条款（Article Five）的简明理念：任何北约国家都无需孤立自卫；所有盟国将始终互相支持。历经60年，北约是人一直类历史上最成功的联盟。

今天，我们要抗击一个不同的敌人。恐怖主义分子在纽约和伦敦夺去了我们公民的生命。虽然―基地‖组织谋求与西方展开一场宗教战争，但我们必须记住，他们在全球各地杀害了数以千计的穆斯林——男子、妇女和儿童。我们两国并没有、也绝不会同伊斯兰教交战。我们作战的重点是击败基地组织及其极端主义同伙。在这场努力中，我们绝不会手软，正如本·拉丹及其追随者已经看到的那样。在我们打击无视战争法则的敌人之时，我们将继续以更高的标准要求自己——坚持我们的价值观和法治以及我们如此坚决维护的正当程序。

近十年来，阿富汗一直是这些努力的一道中心战线。这些年里，你们，英国人民，同许多与我们并肩战斗的人一道，始终是忠实坚定的盟友。让我们共同向过去几年来所有奉献服务和付出牺牲的我们的男女志士致敬，因为他们都是前仆后继为我们的自由而承担起最沉重的责任的英雄。由于有他们，我们遏制了塔利班的势头。由于有他们，我们建设起阿富汗安全部队的能力。由于有他们，我们现在正准备在阿富汗实现转折，完成由阿富汗发挥领导作用的过渡。在此过渡阶段，我们将与脱离了―基地‖组织而且尊重阿富汗宪法并放下武器的人谋求持久的和平。我们还将确保，阿富汗绝不再是恐怖分子的藏匿所，而是一个强大的、享有主权的、能够自立的国家。

的确，在这个新生的世纪，我们的努力为北约提出了新概念，这将赋予我们必须的能力抗击新出现的威胁：诸如恐怖主义和海盗、网络攻击和弹道导弹等威胁。但是，重振的北约将继续遵循其创始人最初的设想，让我们齐心协力采取集体行动，保卫我们的人民，同时传承罗斯福和丘吉尔的博大信念，即所有的国家都拥有权利与责任，所有的国家在维护和平的国际架构中拥有共同利益。

我们在制止核武器扩散问题上也具有共同利益。放眼全球，各国在严加保护自己的核材料，不让它们落入坏人之手。由于我们发挥了领导作用，从北韩到伊朗，我们都已对其发出信息，如拒不履行自己的义务，必将面临后果——这就是为什么美国和欧洲联盟最近刚刚加强了对伊朗的制裁，这在很大程度上是由于英国和美国的领导作用。我们在要求别人负责的同时，我们将履行自己对《不扩散核武器条约》

（Non-Proliferation Treaty）承担的义务，为实现无核武器的世界而努力。

我们在解决冲突的领域也存在共同利益，那些冲突造成持续的人间苦难并有可能使整个地区四分五裂。在苏丹，多年的战争已造成数千人死亡，我们呼吁南北双方从暴力的边缘撤回，选择和平的道路。在中东，我们团结一致，支持一个安全的以色列和享有主权的巴勒斯坦。

我们在有助于促进尊严与安全的发展问题上拥有共同利益。为了取得成功，我们必须抛开冲动，不再视世界贫穷地区为从事慈善事业的场所。相反，我们应该发挥曾经帮助我们本国人民实现繁荣的同样的力量——我们应该帮助饥饿的人们养活自己，帮助照顾病人的医生们；我们应该支持反腐败的国家，欢迎本国人民的创新；我们应该传播这样一个真理，即只有让妇女和女孩充分发挥其潜力的国家才能繁荣。

我们从事这些工作，因为我们不仅仅相信国家的权利，而且相信公民的权利。这是一盏指路明灯，曾经指引我们打击法西斯主义，指引我们与共产主义决战，迎来黎明的曙光。今天，这个信念正在中东和北非接受考验。在一个又一个的国家，人们动员起来，要求摆脱铁碗统治。虽然这些要求变革的运动只有六个月之久，但我们曾亲眼目睹他们的声势——从东欧到美洲；从南非到东南亚。

历史告诉我们，民主并非易事。这些革命需要多年才能取得结果，过程中将会遇到艰辛险阻。权力的割舍极少不经过斗争，在具有部落和宗派分裂的地区更是如此。我们也知道，民粹主义可能发生危险的转化──从利用民主来否决少数族群权利的极端主义，到20世纪在这块大陆上留下许多伤痕的民族主义。

可是不要误解：我们过去和当前在德黑兰（Tehran）、突尼斯（Tunis）和解放广场（Tahrir Square）看到的景象，是人民渴望我们在自己家园视为理所当然的同样自由。它反驳了认为世界上某些地区的人民不需要自由或者需要将民主强加于他们的观点，也驳斥了―基地‖组织扼杀个人权利、使人们永远深陷贫穷和暴力的世界观。这一点不容置疑：美国和英国坚定地站在渴望自由者的旁边。

现在我们必须将言词化为行动。这意味着为正在转向民主的国家的未来做出投资，从突尼西斯和埃及开始──通过加深贸易与商业的纽带；通过帮助他们证明自由会带来繁荣。这也意味着支持普世权利──通过制裁实施压制的人、强化公民社会，以及支持少数族群的权利。

我们这样做时深知，西方世界必须克服中东和北非许多人的怀疑和不信任──这种不信任源于艰难的历史。多年来，我们一再面临那些听到我们拥护自由但他们无法享受自由的人指责我们虚伪。因此，我们必须对他们坦然承认，我们对该地区具有持久的利益──与或许不总是十分理想的伙伴共同打击恐怖主义和防止世界能源供应受到干扰。但是我们也必须坚持表明，我们认为那种只能在自身的利益和理想之间，在稳定和民主之间作出选择的观点是谬误的。因为我们的理想主义是基于历史的真情──镇压只会提供稳定的假象；公民自由的社会更为成功；民主体制是我们最密切的同盟。

正是这种真理指引着我们在利比亚的行动。在利比亚实施镇压之初我们本可轻易地说，此事与我们无关，一国的主权比其境内公民遭到屠杀来得重要。一些人确实信从这种论点。可是我们不然。我们接受更广泛的责任。虽然我们无法制止每一种不义，但是有些情况要求我们不能谨小慎微──当一个领导人扬言屠杀自己的人民，国际社会在呼吁采取行动之时。那就是为什么我们制止了利比亚的大屠杀。在利比亚的人民受到保护、暴政的阴影消散之前，我们不会松懈。

我们会以虚怀继续前进，并且知道我们不可能主导国外的每一种结局。最终，自由必须由人们自己来争取，而不是从外部强加。但是我们可以，也必须和那些如此奋斗的人站在一起。因为我们一贯相信──从诺曼底（Normandy）到巴尔干（Balkans）到班加西（Benghazi）──如果其他人的子孙更富足自由，我们自己的子孙也会有更美好的未来。那就是我们的利益和理想。如果我们无法实现那份责任，谁能取而代之？我们将会传下什么样的世界？

我们的行动──我们的领导作用──对于人类尊严的事业至关重要。因此我们必须采取行动——并且发挥领导作用——怀着对我们的理想的信心以及对今天让我们来到此地的我们人民的品格的信心。

因为我认为有一个最终的特质使美国和英国在这一历史时刻责无旁贷。那就是我们对自己国家的定义。 不同于世界上多数国家，我们不是以种族或族裔来界定公民身份。做美国人或英国人不意味着属于某个团体，而是意味着相信一套理念──个人权利，以及法治。这就是我们两国境内人口如此多元的原因。这就是为什么世界上现在有些人相信如果他们来到美国，如果他们来到纽约，如果他们来到伦敦，勤奋工作，就能宣誓效忠我们的国旗，称自己为美国人。也有人相信如果他们来到英国开始新生活，他们可以像其他公民一样高唱《天佑女王》（God Save the Queen）。

确实，我们的多元化有可能引发矛盾。在我们两国历史上都曾发生过关于移民和同化的激烈争论。但即便有这种可能非常艰难的争论，我们从根本上认识到，我们百衲而成的传统是一种巨大的力量——在这个只会变得越来越小、相互联系越来越紧密的世界里，我们两个国家的例子表明，人们能够被理想连接在一起，而不是被差异所分隔；人心可以改变，旧仇能够消除；昔日殖民地的儿女能作为这个伟大议会的成员在这里占有席位；一个曾在英国军队当过厨师的肯尼亚人的孙子能作为美国总统站在你们面前。（掌声） 这就是我们的特征。这就是为什么在大马士革和开罗街头的男女青年即使有时不同意我们的政策却仍然在争取我国公民所享有的权利。跻身于历史最强大的国家之列，我们两国必须永远牢记：我们影响力的真正来源不仅是因为我们的经济规模，我们的军事能力，或我们所拥有的土地。它来源于我们在全世界必须毫不动摇地捍卫的价值观——所有人都被赋予某些无法剥夺的权利。

这就是在战火中铸造了我们紧密关系的理念——这种紧密关系体现为我们两国最伟大的两位领导人丘吉尔和罗斯福之间的友谊。丘吉尔和罗斯福两人各有不同。如果说他们并不总是清楚自己的盲点和缺点，他们却都能敏锐地观察到对方的问题，他们对自己重塑世界的能力都有清醒的头脑。但在那特殊的历史时刻将

这两人的命运联系在一起的并不仅仅是在战场上取胜的共同利益，也因为他们对人类自由与尊严必将取得最后胜利的共同信念——坚信我们对这一段历史的结局有发言权。

今天，两国人民继承了这一信念。我们面临的挑战是巨大的，摆在我们面前的工作是艰巨的。但我们已经历了困难的10年，无论前面的考验和磨难有多么巨大、多么繁多，让我们学习他们的榜样，牢记丘吉尔在欧洲获得自由的那一天讲的话：

―在未来的岁月里，不仅是这个岛国的人民，而且……还有全世界，无论何处只要自由之鸟在人类心底啼鸣，回顾我们所做的一切，他们会说：?不要绝望，不要屈服……奋勇向前‘。‖

让我们在争取全世界更和平、更繁荣、更正义的事业中，作为永恒的盟友，勇敢坚定、谦恭谨慎、满怀希望、坚定对未来前途的信心，共同奋勇向前。

非常感谢诸位。（掌声）

结束 英国夏令时间下午4:12

（完）