罗斯福：国会珍珠港演讲
Mr.Vice President,Mr.Speaker,Members of the Senate,and of the House of Representatives：
Yesterday,December 7th,1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.
The United States was at peace with that nation and,at the solicitation of Japan,was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed,one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu,the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State aformal reply to arecent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations,it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.
It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time,the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.
The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition,American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francis co and Honolulu
Yesterday,the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.
Last night,Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.
Last night,Japanese forces attacked Guam.
Last night,Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.
Last night,the Japanese attacked Wake Island.
And thi--orning,the Japanese attacked Midway Island.
Japan has,therefore,undertaken asurprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States
have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
As commander in chief of the Army and Navy,I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.
No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion,the American people in their righteou--ight will win through to absolute victory.
I believe that Iinterpret the will of the Congress and of the people when Iassert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost,but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.
Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people,our territory,and our interests are in grave danger.
With confidence in our armed forces,with the unbounding determination of our people,we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.
I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday,December 7th,1941,a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.
副总统先生、议长先生、参众两院各位议员：
昨天，19xx年12月7日——一个遗臭万年的日期——美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海空军蓄谋已久的进攻。
合众国当时同日本处于和平状态，并且，根据日本的请求，当时仍在同该国政府和天皇进行会谈，以期维护太平洋和平。实际上，就在日本空军中队已经开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时，日本驻合众国大使还向我们的国务卿提交了对合众国最近致日方信函的正式答复。虽然复函声称继续现行外交谈判似已无用，但并未包含有关战争或武装进攻的威胁或暗示。历史将会证明，夏威夷距日本这么遥远，表明这次进攻是经过许多天或甚至许多个星期精心策划的。在此期间，日本政府蓄意以虚伪的声明和表示继续维护和平的愿望来欺骗美国。
昨天对夏威夷岛的进攻给美国海陆军部队造成了严重的损害。我遗憾地告诉各位，很多美国人丧失了生命，此外，据报，美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁（檀香山）之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。
昨天，日本政府已发动了对马来亚的进击。
昨夜，日本军队袭击了香港。
昨夜，日本军队袭击了关岛。
昨夜，日本军队袭击了菲律宾群岛。
昨夜，日本人袭击了威克岛。
今晨，日本人袭击了中途岛。
因此，日本在整个太平洋地区采取了突然地攻势。发生在昨天和今天的事证实了这一点。美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解，并且十分清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。
作为三军总司令，我已指示，采取一切措施保卫我们的国家。
我们整个国家都将永远记住此次对我们进攻的性质。不论要用多长的时间才能战胜此次蓄谋已久的入侵，美国人民以自己的正义力量一定要赢得绝对的胜利。
我现在预言，我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己，我们还将确保这种形式的背信弃义永远不会再危及我们。我这样说，相信是表达了国会和人民的意志。战争已经开始，无庸讳言，我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。
相信我们的武装部队——依靠我国人民的坚定决心——我们将取得必然的胜利，愿上帝保佑我们！我要求国会宣布：自19xx年12月7日星期日日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起，合众国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。
林肯：葛底斯堡演讲
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent,a new nation,conceived in Liberty,and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in agreat civil war,testing whether that nation,or any nation so conceived and so dedicated,can long endure.We are met on agreat battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate aportion of that field,as afinal resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
But,in alarger sense,we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can not hallow--this ground.The brave men,living and dead,who struggled here,have consecrated it,far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note,nor long remember what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living,rather,to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain--that this nation,under God,shall have anew birth of freedom--and that government of the people,by the people,for the people,shall not perish from the earth.
八十七年之前，我们的祖先在这大陆上建立了一个国家，它孕育于自由，并且投身给一种理念，即所有人都是小时候起平等的。
时下，我们正在从事一次伟大的内战，我们在磨练，究竟这个国家，或任何一个有这种主这种信仰的国家，是否能长久存在。我们在那次战争的一个伟大的战场上集会。我们来到这里，奉献阿谁战场上的一部分土地，作为在此地为阿谁国家的保存而牺牲了自己生命的人的永世眠息之所。我们这样做，是十分合情合理的。
可是，就更深一层意义而言，我们是无从奉献这片土地的--无从使它成为圣地--也不克不及把它变为许多人景仰之所。那些在这里战斗的猛士，活着的和死去的，已使这块土地神圣化了，远非我们的菲薄能力所能左右。世人会半大注意，更不会长久想的起来我们在此地所说的话，然而他们将永远忘不了这些人在这里所做的事。相反，我们活
着的人应该投身于那些曾在此作战的许多人所英勇推动而尚未完成的事情。我们应该在此投身于我们面前所留存的伟大事情--由于他们的庆幸牺牲，我们要更坚定地致力于他们曾作最后全数贡献的阿谁事业--我们在此立志宣誓，不克不及让他们白白死去--要使这个国家在天主的保佑之下，获患上新生的自由--要使那民有、民治、民享的政府不致从地球上消失。
林肯第二次就职演讲
Fellow-Countrymen：
At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there s less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.Then astatement somewhat in detail of acourse to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.Now,at the expiration of four years,during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation,little that is new could be presented.The progress of our arms,upon which all else chiefly depends,is as well known to the public as to myself,and it is,I trust,reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.With high hope for the future,no prediction in regard to it is ventured.
On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.All dreaded it；all sought to avert it.While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place,devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation.Both parties deprecated war,but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive,and the other would accept war rather than let it perish,and the war Came.
One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves,not distributed generally over the Union,but localized in the southern part of it.Their slaves constituted apeculiar and powerful interest.All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.To strengthen,perpetuate,and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war,while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration,which it has alread yattained.Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease.Each looked for an easier triumph,and aresult less fundamental and astounding.Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God,and each invokes His aid against the other.It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask ajust God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's
faces,but let us judge not,that we be not judged.That of neither has been answered fully.
The Almighty has His own purposes."Woe unto the world because of offenses；for it must need be that offenses come,but woe to that man by whom the offense comet."If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which,in the providence of God,must needs come,but which,having continued through His appointed time,He now wills to remove,and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came,shall we discern there in any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in aliving God always ascribe to Him?Fondly do we hope,fervently do we pray that thi--ighty scourge of war may speedily pass away?Yet,if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk,and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword,as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said"The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."
With malice toward none,with charity for all,with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the might,let us strive on to finish the work we are n,to bind up the nation's wounds,to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan,to do all which may achieve and cherish ajust and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.
各位同胞：
在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中，不像首届就职的时候那样需要揭晓长篇演讲。在阿谁时候，对于当时所要举行的事业几多作一具体的说明，似乎是适当的。现在四年任期已满，在最近战时的每个重要时刻和阶段中--这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀，还且占用了国家大多力量--都时常发布文告，以是现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展，是一切其他问题的要害所在，各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的，而我相信进展的环境，可使我们全体人民在理由感应满意和鼓舞。既然可以对未来寄予泼天的但愿，那末我们也就不待在这一方面作什么预言了。
四年前在与此同一场合里，所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即未来临的内战。各人害怕它，想尽了要领去制止它。当时我正在这里作就职演讲，全力以赴想不消战争要领而能
保存联邦，然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不消战争而破坏联邦--他们力求瓦解联邦，并以谈判的要领来支解联邦。双方都声称阻挡战争，可是有一方甘愿兵戈而不肯让国家保存，另一方则宁肯接受这场战争，而不肯国家死亡，于是战争就来临了。
我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴，他们并不是遍布整个联邦，而是局部地漫衍于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。各人懂患上这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、连结及扩展这种权益，反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦，而政府只不外要限制这种权益所在地域的扩张。当初，任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到今朝那末大的范围，连续那末长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止，甚至会在冲突本身终止之前而终止。双方都在追求一个较轻易的胜利，都没有期望获致带根本性的和使人吃惊的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经，祈祷于同一个天主，甚至于每方都求助同一天主的援助以阻挡另一方，许多人竟敢求助于天主，来夺取他人以血汗患上来的面包，这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家，免患上别人判断我们。
我们双方的祈祷都不克不及够如愿，并且断没全数如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受魔难，因为罪恶总是要来的；然而阿谁作恶的人，要受魔难」假使我们认为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一，而这些罪恶按天主的意志在所不免，但既经连续了他所指定的一段时间，他现在便要消除这些罪恶；假使我们认为天主把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上，作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚，难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉天主的信徒们所归诸天主的那些圣德吗?我们天真地但愿着，我们热忱地祈祷着，但愿这战争的重罚可以很快地已往。可是，假使天主要让战争再继续下去，直至二百半百年来奴隶无偿劳动所储蓄堆集的财富化为乌有，并像三千年前所说的那样，等到鞭挞所流的每滴血，被刀剑之下所流的每滴血所相互消除，那末我们仍然只能说，「主的裁判是完全正确并且公道的。」
我们对任何人都不怀恶意，我们对任何人都抱好感，天主让我们看到正确的事，我们就坚定地信那正确的事，让我们继续奋斗，以完成我们正在举行的事情，去治疗国家的创伤，去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀，极力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公道和持久的和平。